Saturday, July 21, 2007

HOW ARE WAR CRIMINALS PROSECUTED UNDER HUMANITARIAN LAW?

On becoming party to the Geneva Conventions, States undertake to enact any legislation necessary to punish persons guilty of grave breaches of the Conventions. States are also bound to prosecute in their own courts any person suspected of having committed a grave breach of the Conventions, or to hand that person over for judgment to another State. In other words, perpetrators of grave breaches, i.e. war criminals, must be prosecuted at all times and in all places, and States are responsible for ensuring that this is done.Generally speaking, a States criminal laws apply only to crimes committed on its territory or by its own nationals. International humanitarian law goes further in that it requires States to seek out and punish any person who has committed a grave breach, irrespective of his nationality or the place where the offence was committed. This principle of universal jurisdiction is essential to guarantee that grave breaches are effectively repressed. Such prosecutions may be brought either by the national courts of the different States or by an international authority. In this connection, the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda were set up by the UN Security Council in 1993 and 1994, respectively, to try those accused of war crimes committed during the conflicts in those countries.
Why are the humanitarian rules not always respected and violations not always repressed?
This question can be answered in various ways. Some claim that ignorance of the law is largely to blame, others that the very nature of war so wills it, or that it is because international law and therefore humanitarian law as well is not matched by an effective centralized system for implementing sanctions, among other things, because of the present structure of the international community. Be that as it may, whether in conflict situations or in peacetime and whether it is national or international jurisdiction that is in force, laws are violated and crimes committed.Yet simply giving up in the face of such breaches and halting all action that seeks to gain greater respect for humanitarian law would be far more discreditable. This is why, pending a more effective system of sanctions, such acts should be relentlessly condemned and steps taken to prevent and punish them. The penal repression of war crimes must therefore be seen as one means of implementing humanitarian law, whether at national or international level.Lastly, the international community has created a permanent International Criminal Court, which will be competent to try war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide.

What is a war crime?
War crimes are understood to mean serious violations of international humanitarian law committed during international or non-international armed conflicts. Several legal texts contain definitions of war crimes, namely the Statute of the International Military Tribunal established after the Second World War in Nuremberg, the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols, the Statutes and case law of the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, and the Statute of the International Criminal Court. Definitions of the notion of war crime are also given in the legislation and case law of various countries. It is important to note that one single act may constitute a war crime.The following acts are, among others, included in the definition of war crimes:
· wilful killing of a protected person (e.g. wounded or sick combatant, prisoner of war, civilian);
· torture or inhuman treatment of a protected person;
· wilfully causing great suffering to, or serious injury to the body or health of, a protected person;
· attacking the civilian population;
· unlawful deportation or transfer;
· using prohibited weapons or methods of warfare;
· making improper use of the distinctive red cross or red crescent emblem or other protective signs;
· killing or wounding perfidiously individuals belonging to a hostile nation or army;
· pillage of public or private property.
What is the ICRC's role in ensuring respect for humanitarian law?
Extract from ICRC publication "International humanitarian law: answers to your questions"

As the promoter and guardian of international humanitarian law, the ICRC must encourage respect for the law. It does so by spreading knowledge of the humanitarian rules and by reminding parties to conflicts of their obligations.Dissemination and Advisory ServiceSince ignorance of the law is an obstacle to its implementation, the ICRC reminds States that they have undertaken to make the humanitarian provisions known. It also takes its own action to this end . The ICRC further reminds States that they must take all the necessary steps to ensure that the law is applied effectively and therefore respected. It does so chiefly through its Advisory Service on international humanitarian law, which provides technical guidance to States and helps their authorities adopt national implementing laws and regulations.Reminding parties in conflict of their obligationsOn the strength of the conclusions it draws from its protection and assistance work, the ICRC makes confidential representations to the relevant authorities in the event of violations of humanitarian law. If the violations are serious and repeated and it can be established with certainty that they have occurred, the ICRC reserves the right to take a public stance; it does so only if it deems such publicity to be in the interest of the people affected or threatened. This therefore remains an exceptional measure.
The ICRC as guardian of international humanitarian law
Humanitarian law enables the ICRC to ensure that humanitarian rules are respected.Representatives or delegates of the Protecting Powers shall have permission to go to all places where prisoners of war may be, particularly to places of internment, imprisonment and labour (...). And again: The delegates of the International Committee of the Red Cross shall enjoy the same prerogatives. (Art. 126, Third Convention).

What are jus ad bellum and jus in bello?
The purpose of international humanitarian law is to limit the suffering caused by war by protecting and assisting its victims as far as possible. The law therefore addresses the reality of a conflict without considering the reasons for or legality of resorting to force. It regulates only those aspects of the conflict which are of humanitarian concern. It is what is known as jus in bello (law in war). Its provisions apply to the warring parties irrespective of the reasons for the conflict and whether or not the cause upheld by either party is just.In the case of international armed conflict, it is often hard to determine which State is guilty of violating the United Nations Charter . The application of humanitarian law does not involve the denunciation of guilty parties as that would be bound to arouse controversy and paralyse implementation of the law, since each adversary would claim to be a victim of aggression. Moreover, IHL is intended to protect war victims and their fundamental rights, no matter to which party they belong. That is why jus in bello must remain independent of jus ad bellum or jus contra bellum (law on the use of force or law on the prevention of war).
On the prohibition of war
Until the end of the First World War, resorting to armed force was regarded not as an illegal act but as an acceptable way of settling differences.In 1919, the Covenant of the League of Nations and, in 1928, the Treaty of Paris (Briand-Kellogg Pact) sought to outlaw war. The adoption of the United Nations Charter in 1945 confirmed the trend: The members of the Organization shall abstain, in their international relations, from resorting to the threat or use of force (...).When a State or group of States is attacked by another State or group of States, however, the UN Charter upholds the right to individual or collective self-defence. The UN Security Council, acting on the basis of Chapter VII of the Charter , may also decide on the collective use of force. This may involve:-coercive measures aimed at restoring peace against a State threatening international security; -peace-keeping measures in the form of observer or peacekeeping missions.
What does humanitarian law provide for in terms of material assistance to the victims of armed conflict
The States party to the Geneva Conventions recognize the right of victims of armed conflicts to receive supplies indispensable to their survival. That right was further developed with the adoption of the Additional Protocols in 1977.In an international armed conflict, the right to assistance includes in particular:
· free passage for consignments of certain objects necessary to the survival of the civilian population (Art. 23, Fourth Convention, drafted to deal with blockades);
· the duty of the Occupying Power to ensure essential supplies to the population of territories it occupies (Art. 55, Fourth Convention); if its own supplies are inadequate, the Occupying Power must agree to relief provided by outside sources (Art. 59, Fourth Convention).
Protocol I (Arts. 69 and 70) strengthens the body of rules adopted in 1949. For instance, a State at war must accept impartial humanitarian relief schemes carried out without discrimination for the population on its own territory, subject to the agreement of the parties concerned. If those conditions are met, however, it would be wrong to refuse such relief schemes, which are regarded neither as interference in the armed conflict nor as hostile acts. In a non-international armed conflict, Protocol II specifies, among other things, that if the civilian population is suffering excessive deprivation owing to a lack of supplies essential to its survival, relief actions which are of an exclusively humanitarian and impartial nature and conducted without any adverse distinction must be undertaken subject to the consent of the warring parties . It is now generally recognized that the State must authorize purely humanitarian relief operations of this nature.
The ICRC and the right to assistance
The ICRC in any case has a right of initiative that enables it to offer its services to parties in conflict, in particular with a view to assisting the victims. Its offer of assistance (relief or other activities) does not constitute interference in the internal affairs of a State, since it is provided for in humanitarian law.

Humanitarian law and the "right to intervene on humanitarian grounds"
In so far as a right or even a duty to intervene is tantamount to justifying armed intervention undertaken for humanitarian reasons, this is a matter not for humanitarian law but for the rules on the legality of the use of armed force in international relations, i.e. of jus ad bellumIf there is armed intervention on humanitarian grounds, the ICRC must, in accordance with its mandate (see Index), ensure that those engaged in the intervention observe the relevant rules of IHL; it must also endeavour to aid the victims of the conflict.
Who is bound by the Geneva Conventions?
Only States may become party to international treaties, and thus to the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols. However, all parties to an armed conflict whether States or non-State actors are bound by international humanitarian law. At the end of 2003, almost all the world's States - 191, to be precise - were party to the Geneva Conventions. The fact that the treaties are among those accepted by the greatest number of countries testifies to their universality. In the case of the Additional Protocols, 161 States were party to Protocol I and 156 to Protocol II by the same date.
Signature, ratification, accession, reservations, succession
Multilateral treaties between States, such as the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols, require two separate procedures:a) signature followed by ratificationWhile signature does not bind a State, it does oblige the State to behave in a way which does not render the substance of the treaty meaningless when the State subsequently ratifies and solemnly undertakes to respect the treaty.b) accessionThis is the act whereby a State which did not sign the text of a treaty when it was adopted consents to be bound by it. Accession has the same implications as ratification. A newly independent State may, by means of a declaration of succession, express the desire to remain bound by a treaty which applied to its territory prior to independence. It may also make a declaration of provisional application of the treaties while examining them prior to accession or succession. Within the context of those procedures and under certain conditions, a State may make reservations in order to exclude or modify the legal effect of certain provisions of the treaty. The main condition is that such reservations do not run counter to essential substantive elements of the treaty.Lastly, national liberation movements covered by Article 1, paragraph 4, of Protocol I may undertake to apply the Conventions and the Protocol by following the special procedure set down in Article 96, paragraph 3, of Protocol I.
Whose duty is it to spread knowledge of the Conventions and Protocols?
States have a legal obligation to spread knowledge of the Conventions and Protocols:The High Contracting Parties undertake, in time of peace as in time of war, to disseminate the text of the present Convention as widely as possible in their respective countries, and, in particular, to include the study thereof in their programmes of military and, if possible, civil instruction, so that the principles thereof may become known to the entire population, in particular to the armed fighting forces, the medical personnel and the chaplains. (Arts. 47, 48, 127 and 144 of, respectively, GC I, II, III & IV) The High Contracting Parties undertake, in time of peace as in time of armed conflict, to disseminate the Conventions and this Protocol as widely as possible in their respective countries and, in particular, to include the study thereof in their programmes of military instruction and to encourage the study thereof by the civilian population, so that those instruments may become known to the armed forces and to the civilian population. (Art. 83, Protocol I)
What are the essential rules of international humanitarian law?
Extract from ICRC publication "International humanitarian law: answers to your questions"

The parties to a conflict must at all times distinguish between the civilian population and combatants in order to spare the civilian population and civilian property. Neither the civilian population as a whole nor individual civilians may be attacked. Attacks may be made solely against military objectives. People who do not or can no longer take part in the hostilities are entitled to respect for their lives and for their physical and mental integrity. Such people must in all circumstances be protected and treated with humanity, without any unfavorable distinction whatever. It is forbidden to kill or wound an adversary who surrenders or who can no longer take part in the fighting.Neither the parties to the conflict nor members of their armed forces have an unlimited right to choose methods and means of warfare. It is forbidden to use weapons or methods of warfare that are likely to cause unnecessary losses or excessive suffering.The wounded and sick must be collected and cared for by the party to the conflict which has them in its power. Medical personnel and medical establishments, transports and equipment must be spared. The red cross or red crescent on a white background is the distinctive sign indicating that such persons and objects must be respected.Captured combatants and civilians who find themselves under the authority of the adverse party are entitled to respect for their lives, their dignity, their personal rights and their political, religious and other convictions. They must be protected against all acts of violence or reprisal. They are entitled to exchange news with their families and receive aid. They must enjoy basic judicial guarantees.
These rules, drawn up by the ICRC, summarize the essence of international humanitarian law. They do not have the authority of a legal instrument and in no way seek to replace the treaties in force. They were drafted with a view to facilitating the promotion of IHL.

Fundamental principles of humanitarian law
Like Grotius, jurists and philosophers took an interest in the regulation of conflicts well before the first Geneva Convention of 1864 was adopted and developed.In the 18th century, Jean-Jacques Rousseau made a major contribution by formulating the following principle about the development of war between States:War is in no way a relationship of man with man but a relationship between States, in which individuals are enemies only by accident; not as men, nor even as citizens, but as soldiers (...). Since the object of war is to destroy the enemy State, it is legitimate to kill the latters defenders as long as they are carrying arms; but as soon as they lay them down and surrender, they cease to be enemies or agents of the enemy, and again become mere men, and it is no longer legitimate to take their lives.In 1899, Fyodor Martens laid down the following principle for cases not covered by humanitarian law: (...) civilians and combatants remain under the protection and authority of the principles of international law derived from established custom, from the principles of humanity and from the dictates of public conscience.The above, known as the Martens clause, was already considered a standard part of customary law when it was incorporated in Article 1, paragraph 2, of Additional Protocol I of 1977.While Rousseau and Martens established principles of humanity, the authors of the St. Petersburg Declaration formulated, both explicitly and implicitly, the principles of distinction, military necessity and prevention of unnecessary suffering, as follows:Considering: (...) That the only legitimate object which States should endeavour to accomplish during war is to weaken the military forces of the enemy;That for this purpose it is sufficient to disable the greatest possible number of men;That this object would be exceeded by the employment of arms which uselessly aggravate the sufferings of disabled men, or render their death inevitable.The Additional Protocols of 1977 reaffirmed and elaborated on these principles, in particular that of distinction: (...) the Parties to the conflict shall at all times distinguish between the civilian population and combatants and between civilian objects and military objectives and accordingly shall direct their operations only against military objectives. (Art. 48, Protocol I; see also Art. 13, Protocol II).Finally, the underlying principle of proportionality seeks to strike a balance between two diverging interests, one dictated by considerations of military need and the other by requirements of humanity when the rights or prohibitions are not absolute.

What is international humanitarian law?

international humanitarian law is a set of rules which seek, for humanitarian reasons, to limit the effects of armed conflict. It protects persons who are not or are no longer participating in the hostilities and restricts the means and methods of warfare. International humanitarian law is also known as the law of war or the law of armed conflict.
International humanitarian law is part of international law, which is the body of rules governing relations between States. International law is contained in agreements between States – treaties or conventions –, in customary rules, which consist of State practise considered by them as legally binding, and in general principles.
International humanitarian law applies to armed conflicts. It does not regulate whether a State may actually use force; this is governed by an important, but distinct, part of international law set out in the United Nations Charter.

In what situations does humanitarian law apply? For whom is it intended and who does it protect?
international humanitarian law is applicable in two situations; that is to say, it offers two systems of protection:a) International armed conflicts In such situations the Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I apply.Humanitarian law is intended principally for the parties to the conflict and protects every individual or category of individuals not or no longer actively involved in the conflict, i.e.:
· wounded or sick military personnel in land warfare, and members of the armed forces' medical services;
· wounded, sick or shipwrecked military personnel in naval warfare, and members of the naval forces' medical services;
· prisoners of war;
· the civilian population, for example:
· foreign civilians on the territory of parties to the conflict, including refugees;
· civilians in occupied territories;
· civilian detainees and internees;
· medical and religious personnel or civil defence units.
Wars of national liberation, as defined in Article 1 of Protocol I, are classified as international armed conflicts .b) Non-international armed conflicts In the event of a non-international conflict, Article 3 common to the four Conventions and Protocol II apply.It should be noted that the conditions of application of Protocol II are stricter than those provided for by Article 3 . In such situations, humanitarian law is intended for the armed forces, whether regular or not, taking part in the conflict, and protects every individual or category of individuals not or no longer actively involved in the hostilities, for example:
· wounded or sick fighters;
· people deprived of their freedom as a result of the conflict;
· the civilian population;
· medical and religious personnel.
Humanitarian law and non-international armed conflicts.
Article 3 common to the four Geneva Conventions is regarded as a sort of treaty in miniature . Even including the provisions of Protocol II, the rules on internal armed conflicts remain less complete than those dealing with international armed conflicts. It has proven difficult to strengthen the system of protection in non-international armed conflicts in the face of the principle of State sovereignty. The rules contained in Article 3 are considered as customary law and represent a minimum standard from which the belligerents should never depart.
What law applies to internal disturbances and other situations of internal violence?
International humanitarian law does not apply to situations of violence not amounting in intensity to an armed conflict. Cases of this type are governed by the provisions of human rights law and such measures of domestic legislation as may be invoked.
Basic rules of international humanitarian law in armed conflicts
This text has been prepared for dissemination purposes and cannot in any circumstances serve as a substitute for the complete provisions of the international agreements - Extract from "Basic rules of the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols"

The seven fundamental rules which are the basis of the Geneva Conventions and the Additional Protocols.1 - Persons hors de combat and those who do not take a direct part in hostilities are entitled to respect for theirlives and their moral and physical integrity. They shall in all circumstances be protected and treated humanelywithout any adverse distinction.2 - It is forbidden to kill or injure an enemy who surrenders or who is hors de combat.3 - The wounded and sick shall be collected and cared for by the party to the conflict which has them in its power.Protection also covers medical personnel, establishments, transports and equipment. The emblem of the redcross or the red crescent is the sign of such protection and must be respected.4 - Captured combatants and civilians under the authority of an adverse party are entitled to respect for their lives,dignity, personal rights and convictions. They shall be protected against all acts of violence and reprisals. They shall have the right to correspond with their families and to receive relief.5 - Everyone shall be entitled to benefit from fundamental judicial guarantees. No one shall be held responsible for an act he has not committed. No one shall be subjected to physical or mental torture, corporal punishment or cruel or degrading treatment.6 - Parties to a conflict and members of their armed forces do not have an unlimited choice of methods and means of warfare. It is prohibited to employ weapons or methods of warfare of a nature to cause unnecessary losses or excessive suffering.7 - Parties to a conflict shall at all times distinguish between the civilian population and combatants in order tospare civilian population and property. Neither the civilian population as such nor civilian persons shall be theobject of attack. Attacks shall be directed solely against military objectives.
What are the provisions of humanitarian law governing use of the emblem?
Extract from ICRC publication "International humanitarian law: answers to your questions"

The Geneva Conventions mention three emblems: the red cross, the red crescent and the red lion and sun, although only the first two are now being used.The Conventions and their Additional Protocols contain several articles on the emblem. Among other things, they specify the use, size, purpose and placing of the emblem, the persons and property it protects, who can use it, what respect for the emblem entails and the penalties for misuse.
· In times of armed conflict, the emblem may be used as a protective device only by:
· armed forces medical services;
· National Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies duly recognized and authorized by their governments to lend assistance to the medical services of armed forces; the National Societies may use the emblem for protective purposes only for those of their personnel and equipment assisting official medical services in wartime, provided that those personnel and equipment perform the same functions and only those functions and are subject to military law and regulations;
· civilian hospitals and other medical facilities recognized as such by the government and authorized to display the emblem for protective purposes (first-aid posts, ambulances, etc.);
· other voluntary relief agencies subject to the same conditions as National Societies: they must have government recognition and authorization, may use the emblem only for personnel and equipment allocated exclusively to medical services, and must be subject to military law and regulations.
International humanitarian law also specifies that each State party to the Geneva Conventions is required to take steps to prevent and punish misuse of the emblem in wartime and peacetime alike, and to enact a law on the protection of the emblem.
What are the provisions of humanitarian law governing use of the emblem?
The Geneva Conventions mention three emblems: the red cross, the red crescent and the red lion and sun, although only the first two are now being used.The Conventions and their Additional Protocols contain several articles on the emblem. Among other things, they specify the use, size, purpose and placing of the emblem, the persons and property it protects, who can use it, what respect for the emblem entails and the penalties for misuse.
· In times of armed conflict, the emblem may be used as a protective device only by:
· armed forces medical services;
· National Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies duly recognized and authorized by their governments to lend assistance to the medical services of armed forces; the National Societies may use the emblem for protective purposes only for those of their personnel and equipment assisting official medical services in wartime, provided that those personnel and equipment perform the same functions and only those functions and are subject to military law and regulations;
· civilian hospitals and other medical facilities recognized as such by the government and authorized to display the emblem for protective purposes (first-aid posts, ambulances, etc.);
· other voluntary relief agencies subject to the same conditions as National Societies: they must have government recognition and authorization, may use the emblem only for personnel and equipment allocated exclusively to medical services, and must be subject to military law and regulations.
International humanitarian law also specifies that each State party to the Geneva Conventions is required to take steps to prevent and punish misuse of the emblem in wartime and peacetime alike, and to enact a law on the protection of the emblem.
What measures are available for implementing humanitarian law?

The following implementation measures must be taken.Preventive measures, based on the duty of States to comply with humanitarian law.They include:
· spreading knowledge of IHL;
· training qualified personnel to facilitate the implementation of IHL, and the appointment of legal advisers in the armed forces;
· adopting legislative and statutory provisions to ensure compliance with IHL;
· translating the texts of the Conventions.
Measures for monitoring compliance with the provisions of humanitarian law for the duration of the conflict:
· action by the Protecting Powers or their substitutes;
· ICRC action (see Q15).
Repressive measures, based on the duty of the parties to the conflict to prevent and put a halt to all violations. Mechanisms for repression include:
· the obligation for the national courts to repress grave breaches considered as war crimes (for international tribunals, see Q16);
· the criminal liability and disciplinary responsibility of superiors, and the duty of military commanders to repress and denounce offences;
· mutual assistance between States on criminal matters.
Apart from the fact that they are inherent in any consistent legal construct, these repressive measures also serve as a deterrent.There are other implementation measures, which encompass prevention, control and repression; the last two are derived chiefly from the duty of States to ensure respect for humanitarian law. They include:
· the enquiry procedure;
· the International Fact-Finding Commission;
· the examination procedures concerning the application and interpretation of legal provisions;
· cooperation with the United Nations.
Diplomatic efforts and pressure from the media and public opinion also help ensure implementation of IHL.
· Coercive measures that States may take themselvesThe list that follows includes only measures available to States which are legally permissible in international law, and does not therefore take into consideration armed intervention undertaken unilaterally, i.e. without any reference to a treaty or custom, by a State or a group of States, as such intervention is not permitted under public international law and as no armed intervention can be based on international humanitarian law [5]. It would be useful at this stage to touch very briefly upon the legality, in international law, of the adoption of coercive (albeit unarmed) measures by States vis-a-vis other States. Practice shows that States employ a wide range of such measures in order to exert pressure on other States in retaliation for an act committed by the State against which they are directed. Such measures may be classified in two broad categories, namely retortion and unarmed reprisals.Retortion refers to acts which are unfriendly, and even damaging, but intrinsically lawful, carried out in response to a prior act which might also be unfriendly but lawful, or internationally unlawful.Reprisals are acts which are by their very nature unlawful but are exceptionally justified in the light of a prior unlawful act committed by the State at which they are directed. Thus the International Law Commission, which uses the term "countermeasures" to designate such acts, considers the initial illegality to constitute a circumstance which precludes the illegality of the response. [6The lawfulness of the measures themselves [7], notably with regard to their content and implementation, is determined not only in terms of the limits dictated by the demands of civilization and humanity, but also in terms of their aim. The aim is neither to punish (we are concerned with countermeasures, not sanctions) nor to seek compensation, but solely to oblige the State which is responsible for violating the law to stop doing so, by inflicting damage upon it, and to deter it from repeating the same offence in the future. Thus, in order to remain lawful, the coercive measures must :- be directed against the State responsible for the unlawful act itself;- be preceded by a warning to the State in question, asking it to stop the said act or acts;- be proportional; all measures out of proportion with the act which prompted them would be excessive, and hence unlawful;- respect fundamental humanitarian principles, as provided for in public international law an International humanitarian law, whereby such measures are forbidden against certain categories of persons;[8]- be temporary and therefore cease as soon as the violation of the law by the State in question ceases.[9]Possible measures of retortiona) Expulsion of diplomats.For instance, during the hostages affair at the United States embassy in Tehran (1979-1980), the United States expelled some of the Iranian diplomatic personnel posted in Washington.b) Severance of diplomatic relations.Soon after the aforementioned decision, the United States broke off diplomatic relations with Iran.c) Halting ongoing diplomatic negotiations or refusing to ratify agreements already signed.The American Senate refused to examine the SALT II agreements, already signed by the USSR and the United States, following the invasion of Afghanistan (1979).d) Non-renewal of trade privileges or agreements.The United States decided, in 1981, not to renew its bilateral maritime agreement with the USSR and to introduce restrictions on the admission of its vessels to American ports as from January 1982, following the repression in Poland.e) Reduction or suspension of public aid to the State in question.As a reaction to militia killings and other human rights violations in Suriname, the Netherlands in December 1982 suspended implementation of a 10 to 15-year aid programme to that country.Possible unarmed reprisalsThese include measures to exert economic pressure [10]. The aim is to hamper normal economic and financial relations, either by failing to respect agreements in force or by way of decisions running counter to the rules governing those relations. a) Restrictions and/or ban on arms trade, military technology and scientific co-operation.The European Communities took a series of decisions on 4 August 1990 with regard to Iraq which comprised, among others, an embargo on the sale of arms and other military equipment, and the suspension of all technical and scientific co-operation.b) Restrictions on exports and/or imports to and from the State committing the violations; total ban on commercial relations.Following the invasion of Afghanistan (1979) the United States set up a grain embargo against the USSR; the European Communities imposed a total ban on imports from Argentina during the Falklands/ Malvinas conflict (1982); the United States suspended commercial relations with Uganda in 1978 in reaction to violations of human rights.c) Ban on investments.A ban on all new investment in South Africa was imposed by France in 1985, following a hardening of the repression associated with apartheid.d) Freezing of capitalThe European Communities decided to freeze Iraqi assets on the territory of the Member States (4 August 1990).e) Suspension of air transport (or other) agreements.On 26 December 1981, the United States suspended the 1972 US-Polish Air Transport Agreement following the Polish government's repression of the Solidarity movement.
How does humanitarian law protect refugees and internally displaced persons?
Refugees are people who have fled their countries, while internally displaced persons (IDPs) are those who have not left their countrys territory.Refugees enjoy first and foremost the protection afforded them by refugee law and the mandate of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). If they are in a State involved in an armed conflict, refugees are also protected by international humanitarian law. Apart from the general protection afforded by IHL to civilians, refugees also receive special protection under the Fourth Geneva Convention and Additional Protocol I. This additional protection recognizes the vulnerability of refugees as aliens in the hands of a party to the conflict and the absence of protection by their State of nationality.IDPs are protected by various bodies of law, principally national law, human rights law and, if they are in a State undergoing armed conflict, international humanitarian law.If IDPs are in a State which is involved in an armed conflict, they are considered civilians provided they do not take an active part in the hostilities and, as such, are entitled to the protection afforded to civilians.When they are respected, these rules play an important role in preventing displacement, as it is often their violation which leads to displacement. In addition, humanitarian law expressly prohibits compelling civilians to leave their places of residence unless their security or imperative military reasons so demand.Once displaced, IDPs are protected from the effects of hostilities by the general rules governing the protection of civilians and humanitarian assistance set out above.The general rules of humanitarian law for the protection of civilians, if respected, can prevent displacement. If not, they can offer protection during displacement. Particular mention should be made of the following rules, which prohibit:
· attacks on civilians and civilian objects or the conduct of hostilities in an indiscriminate manner;
· starvation of the civilian population and the destruction of objects indispensable to its survival;
· collective punishments which often take the form of destruction of dwellings.
There are also the rules requiring parties to a conflict to allow relief consignments to reach civilian populations in need.
Definition of a refugee
According to Article 1 of the 1951 UN Convention on the status of refugees, the term refugee applies to any person who owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable, or owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable, or owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it.The 1969 Convention of the Organization of African Unity on refugee problems in Africa and the 1984 Cartagena Declaration on refugees have broadened that definition to include people fleeing events which seriously disrupt public order, such as armed conflicts and disturbances.

Does humanitarian law apply to the new conflicts?
There is much talk today of new conflicts. This expression covers different types of armed conflict: those known as anarchic conflicts and others in which group identity becomes the focal point. These terms are used fairly loosely."Anarchic" conflicts, the upsurge of which doubtless results from the end of the Cold War, are often marked by the partial, and sometimes even total, weakening or breakdown of State structures. In such situations, armed groups take advantage of the political vacuum in an attempt to grab power. This type of conflict is, however, marked above all by a weakening or breakdown in the chain of command within the same armed groups.Conflicts aimed at asserting group identity often seek to exclude the adversary through "ethnic cleansing". This consists in forcibly displacing or even exterminating populations. Under the effect of spiralling propaganda, violence and hatred, this type of conflict strengthens group feeling to the detriment of the existing national identity, ruling out any possibility of coexistence with other groups.International humanitarian law still applies in these "anarchic" and "identity-related" conflicts, in which the civilian population in particular is exposed to violence. Common Article 3 requires all armed groups, whether in rebellion or not, to respect individuals who have laid down their arms and those, such as civilians, who do not take part in the hostilities.Consequently, it is not because a States structures have been weakened or are nonexistent that there is a legal vacuum with regard to international law. On the contrary, these are precisely the circumstances in which humanitarian law comes fully into its own.Admittedly, the humanitarian rules are harder to apply in these types of conflict. The lack of discipline among belligerents, the arming of the civilian population as weapons flood the territory and the increasingly blurred distinction between fighters and civilians often cause confrontations to take an extremely brutal turn, in which there is little place for the rules of law.As a result, this is the type of situation in which particular efforts are needed to make people aware of humanitarian law. Better knowledge of the rules of law will not solve the underlying problem which led to the conflict, but it is likely to attenuate its deadlier consequences.
Common Article 3: a treaty in miniature
In the case of armed conflicts not of an international character occurring in the territory of one of the High Contracting Parties, each Party to the conflict shall be bound to apply, as a minimum, the following provisions:1)Persons taking no active part in the hostilities, including members of armed forces who have laid down their arms and those placed hors de combat by sickness, wounds, detention, or any other cause, shall in all circumstances be treated humanely, without any adverse distinction founded on race, colour, religion or faith, sex, birth or wealth, or any other similar criteria.
What are the origins of international humanitarian law?
To answer this question we have to ask other questions.What law governed armed conflicts prior to the advent of contemporary humanitarian law?First there were unwritten rules based on customs that regulated armed conflicts. Then bilateral treaties (cartels) drafted in varying degrees of detail gradually came into force. The belligerents sometimes ratified them after the fighting was over. There were also regulations which States issued to their troops. The law then applicable in armed conflicts was thus limited in both time and space in that it was valid for only one battle or specific conflict. The rules also varied depending on the period, place, morals and civilization.Who were the precursors of contemporary humanitarian law?Two men played an essential role in its creation: Henry Dunant and Guillaume- Henri Dufour . Dunant formulated the idea in A Memory of Solferino, published in 1862. On the strength of his own experience of war, General Dufour lost no time in lending his active moral support, notably by chairing the 1864 Diplomatic Conference.Dunant:"On certain special occasions, as, for example, when princes of the military art belonging to different nationalities meet (...) would it not be desirable that they should take advantage of this sort of congress to formulate some international principle, sanctioned by a Convention and inviolate in character, which, once agreed upon and ratified, might constitute the basis for societies for the relief of the wounded in the different European countries?"Dufour (to Dunant):"We need to see, through examples as vivid as those you have reported, what the glory of the battlefield produces in terms of torture and tears."How did the idea become a reality?The Swiss government, at the prompting of the five founding members of the ICRC, convened the 1864 Diplomatic Conference, which was attended by 16 States who adopted the Geneva Convention for the amelioration of the condition of the wounded in armies in the field.What innovations did that Convention bring about?The 1864 Geneva Convention laid the foundations for contemporary humanitarian law. It was chiefly characterized by:
standing written rules of universal scope to protect the victims of conflicts;
its multilateral nature, open to all States;
the obligation to extend care without discrimination to wounded and sick military personnel;
respect for and marking of medical personnel, transports and equipment using an emblem (red cross on a white background).

Humanitarian law prior to its codification
It would be a mistake to claim that the founding of the Red Cross in 1863, or the adoption of the first Geneva Convention in 1864, marked the starting point of international humanitarian law as we know it today. Just as there is no society of any sort that does not have its own set of rules, so there has never been a war that did not have some vague or precise rules covering the outbreak and end of hostilities, as well as how they are conducted.Taken as a whole, the war practices of primitive peoples illustrate various types of international rules of war known at the present time: rules distinguishing types of enemies; rules determining the circumstances, formalities and authority for beginning and ending war; rules describing limitations of persons, time, place and methods of its conduct; and even rules outlawing war altogether. (Quincy Wright) The first laws of war were proclaimed by major civilizations several millennia before our era: I establish these laws to prevent the strong from oppressing the weak. (Hammurabi, King of Babylon)Many ancient texts such as the Mahabharata, the Bible and the Koran contain rules advocating respect for the adversary. For instance, the Viqayet a text written towards the end of the 13th century, at the height of the period in which the Arabs ruled Spain contains a veritable code for warfare. The 1864 Convention, in the form of a multilateral treaty, therefore codified and strengthened ancient, fragmentary and scattered laws and customs of war protecting the wounded and those caring for them.

The Lieber Code
From the beginning of warfare to the advent of contemporary humanitarian law, over 500 cartels, codes of conduct, covenants and other texts designed to regulate hostilities have been recorded. They include the Lieber Code, which came into force in April 1863 and is important in that it marked the first attempt to codify the existing laws and customs of war. Unlike the first Geneva Convention (adopted a year later), however, the Code did not have the status of a treaty as it was intended solely for Union soldiers fighting in the American Civil War.

SCHOOL-BASED FAMILY COUNSELING

School-Based Family Counseling is a new approach to helping children succeed at school and overcome personal and interpersonal problems. School-Based Family Counseling (SBFC) is an integrated approach which combines school counseling with family counseling in a broad systems approach. In its classic form, SBFC is conducted on site at the school and the School-Based Family Counselor is identified as a member of the school staff. This is in contrast to the traditional school counseling model, in which the counselor is not trained in family counseling, and the traditional family therapy model, in which the counselor is not trained to work in school systems. The School-Based Family Counselor is trained to work with children in the context of family, school, peer and community systems and using a family systems theoretical orientation. The specific skills required of the School-Based Family Counselor are shown in the table to the right.
The need for School-Based Family Counseling comes from the inadequacy of traditional school counseling and family counseling (agency based) models in dealing with children who are failing at school because of family problems. A survey of the student clients of School-Based Family Counselors in San Francisco (Gerrard, 1990) showed that over 85% of the children referred by teachers, parents, or self-referred had significant problems at home. The family problems included: marital discord, parents divorcing, custody problems with children, substance abuse, older siblings involved in gangs, sexual and physical abuse, parental neglect, single parents overwhelmed by economic and emotional problems, spouse abuse, and chaotic families with little parental control. School counselors, who typically have no training (or only one course) in family counseling, are not equipped to intervene effectively in these family problems. Family counseling is one of the more difficult forms of counseling and learning to do it well requires extensive training and supervision.
When school personnel determine that there is a family problem affecting a student, they often refer the family to a community mental health agency for family counseling. Most school principals are familiar with the phenomenon of families that are referred for family counseling, but do not go. Many of these "resistant" families are involved in a power struggle with school personnel and the families resent being sent for therapy because of the implicit message that the family (i.e. the parent) is sick or irresponsible. While seeing a therapist may be a sign of social status or trendiness with some people, with many, especially with minority families, therapy holds a stigma and "seeing a therapist" is viewed within these families' communities as a sign one is "crazy." Family therapists, who are themselves very familiar with the concept of triangulation (in which two family members form a coalition against a third family member who is often the family scapegoat or "identified patient"), are often perceived by parents as involved in a triangulation in which the school and the family therapist are in a coalition and "ganging up" on the parents.
School-Based Family Counseling minimizes this triangulation because the School-Based Family Counselor is not seen as a "third party" but, rather, is viewed as part of the school system. Because the School-Based Family Counselor is the school counselor, she/he is viewed as an advocate for the school and the child. The focus of the counseling is on working with parents and families to help their children succeed in school. Going to a school to consult with the school counselor on how to help one's child succeed in school is something that many parents are willing to accept (especially if the counselor emphasizes that she/he needs the parents' help). This normalizes the counseling and reframes it in a way that destigmatizes coming for counseling. As the School-Based Family Counselor works with the parents and family to help the child, trust is built which permits the counselor to eventually work on other family issues affecting the child. School-Based Family Counseling is a multiculturally sensitive approach because it engages parents and families as partners with the School-Based Family Counselor in working to promote the success of the child at school.
In summary, School-Based Family Counseling has two key components: first, there is an integration of school counseling and family counseling models within a broad based systems meta-model that is used to conceptualize the child's problems in the context of all his/her interpersonal networks: family, peer group, classroom, school (teacher, principal, other students), and community. When a child is referred to the School-Based Family Counselor, the child's problem may involve one or all of these interpersonal networks. However, irrespective of the level of interpersonal network affected, the School-Based Family Counselor will relate positively with the child's family in order to reinforce positive change with the child.

MUSEVENI BLASTS THE MEDIA FOR FUELING CONFLICT

President Yoweri Museveni has blasted born again pastors for what he calls misleading faithful Christians.
President Museveni’s comments came during a press conference in which he addressed pertinent issues like the Balaalo saga and the issue of Kony, visa vie, International Criminal Court
President Yoweri Museveni says that where as he is against interfering in matters of faith, pastors who prey upon the vulnerable Born Again Christians or even attempt to repeat the 2000 Kanungu Massacres will be dealt with.
The President rapped FM radios stations fueling ethnic hatred against Rwandese Ugandans over the Buliisa land conflict.
Rumours that he is on a collision course with Local Government Minister Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire over the sale of Nakaseo market were dismissed.
On the recent NRM Kyanwanzi Retreat, he said that the MPs will retain the military uniforms for future Retreats and state ceremonies.
Gen. Museveni also ruled out pursuit of the removal of the arrest warrants issued for the top LRA rebel leaders by the International Criminal Court.
The President said that former Minister Zoe Bakoko Bakoru who is wanted for her involvement in the flopped Nsimbe Housing Estate saga should come and answer the charges.
The President issued two decrees, one against the illegal collection of money from Universal Primary and Secondary school students by parasitic head-teachers and another against illegal land evictions.

Thursday, July 19, 2007

MUNICIPAL BUDGETS

In contrast with accounting records which are retrospective, a budget is generally a projection of future revenues and expenditures. At a minimum, a budget is used to control financial transactions. However, in addition to controlling financial transactions, a budget should also be used as a management and planning tool. Work load and service goal objectives are objectives are included in the budget document.

The municipal budget includes funding requirements to cover town operations, the local share contribution to Administrative District and the annual tax levy set by county to fund county operations.

The main types of municipal budgets include,
· line-item (in- put) budgets
· performance ( out-put) budgets
· Programme (goals) budgets.

The main purpose of the main types of municipal budgets is explained below:

A line- item budget is a financial document that lists how much the local municipality will spend on every item it uses. Its main purpose is that, it enables the municipal officials in controlling expenditure and to ensure accountability since it illustrates how much money is appropriated to specific cost categories.

Performance budget allocates money to various programmes with in the organisation and details the service level on which the budget is calculated. It illustrates the activities, quantities involved, unit costs and total costs of each activity.

This helps the municipal officials and stakeholders to evaluate whether or not the local government is performing adequately since the relative service levels and funds spent on different activities show municipal and community priorities. This is important in controlling costs as well as improving the internal management of the programme. It also helps to assess the productivity of the municipal budget.

Programme budget allocates the money to major programme areas, focussing on the expected results of services and activities to be carried out. This is important in the attainment of long term local community goals since it identifies the anticipated results, out puts and out comes of the corresponding investment. This allows leaders to plan a budget in a manner that allows improved decision-making regarding the organisation’s goals.

The main purpose of this form of budgeting is that, it ensures accountability, encourages efficient coordination in government administration and puts emphasis on the community priorities that are with in the financial capabilities.

Why may a combination of budgets be appropriate?
They may be appropriate because they help in planning and controlling of the receipt and expenditure of money to meet the end.

What are the main benefits of financial reporting?
The main benefits of financial reporting are explained below:
Accountability and control is one of the benefits of financial reporting. The timely reporting of the financial information permits a more rigorous control over revenue and expenditure performance there by increasing the level of public accountability of local authorities.

Another benefit of financial reporting is monitoring a balanced reporting. Accurate reporting of both the revenue and expenditures of budget helps determine whether or not expenditures and actual revenues are balanced. For instance, the municipal finance department should monitor on a daily basis whether there are enough revenue to cover monthly expenditure obligations in order to avoid cash flow deficits.

Monitoring compliance with revenue and expenditure responsibilities is another benefit of financial reporting. Local governments have specific responsibilities with respect to revenue raising and expenditure functions. Financial reporting on both revenues and expenditure allows the determination of whether or not a local authority is in compliance with its revenue and expenditure functions.

Performance evaluation is yet a benefit of financial reporting. Timely report of financial information not only facilitates the control over revenues and expenditure, but also allows for the evaluation of the financial performance of the local government. This is based on the revenue and expenditure targets and specific level of out put and out comes as compared to the actual results of a period of operations of the local government.

Another benefit of financial budgeting is assessing financial condition. A number of factors contribute to determining the financial conditions of the local governments and these include, compliance with revenue and expenditure responsibilities including compliance of the central government with the fiscal transfers, the balance between revenues and expenditures and in general, the exercise of a prudent financial management. All these can be assessed only if financial reporting is done on timely basis on each and every one of the relevant elements of a municipal financial system.

What are the benefits of the internal auditing function?
The following are the benefits of internal auditing function:
It verifies compliance with accounting and budgeting processes, enhances quality in financial administration and adds credibility to the municipal financial reports. These clear lines the relationship between the local government and the financial sector.

Explain the importance of reliability of budgetary information.
Reliable budgetary information ensures efficient budget performance and may as well lead to a fiscal surplus.

Explain the benefit of competition for budgetary resources.
It ensures efficiency and effectiveness in the use of the resources not too little nor too much. It also ensures consistence since financial needs do not just change all of a sudden and hence proper accountability and responsiveness is attained at the end of the day.



Explain the disadvantages of earmarking budgetary funds.
One of the disadvantages is that, agencies or programmes being financed may not only have little or no incentives to economise, but also their actual financial needs may change over time with out a change in funding. As such, they may end up spending not enough or too much in certain activities, making either situation inefficient. Earmarking may also impede the government’s ability to be flexible in managing its budgets or allocating resources under difficult financial situations.

Why is predictability of revenue particularly important?
It is important mainly because it ensures that risks and un-certainties are put into consideration which in the end leads to implementation of the planned activities in an efficient and effective manner.

What are the features of an adequate budgetary system?
Then features of an adequate budgetary system are explained below:
Ensuring accountability is one of the features where detailed controls should be established with a goal of ensuring that procedures and budgetary commitments are carried out by the managers, contractors and all concerned parties as mandated in the budget.

Comprehensiveness is also a feature of an adequate budget system. Revenue resources of the local government, as well as expenditures made by the government should be included in the budget.

Another feature is the explicit budget constraint to ascertain magnitude of the revenue budget and there fore, be able to plan and limit expenditures given a fixed budget.

There is also cooperation in the budget cycle where municipal budgeting should operate in harmony with other public budgetary systems, such as those of the provinces or states, and that of the central government.
Accuracy to contain un-biased revenue and expenditure projections for current capital accounts, in every one of the components is another feature of an adequately budgetary system.

Optimisation should also be encouraged to encourage participants to seek the greatest social and economic benefits at the least cost.

Legitimacy and participation mechanism is another feature that needs to be implemented to improve the allocation of usually limited capital budget for economic and social development.

There is also need to consider the mission and vision of local government where both short term and long term objectives should be considered.

There is a need to be responsive to adopt the policies that match public preferences that ideally have been agreed upon in a participatory decision-making mechanism.

Timelines is important since the budget process follows the same cycle of activities every year and out put of each activity constitutes inputs for the next. It is critical that this process completes every step of the budget on time, according to the schedule and the budget cycle.

There is need for transparency where both the revenue and expenditure budget should be a mater of public knowledge. The limit of each source should be clearly established.

Finally, a good budget should aim at providing for greater transparency, accountability, flexibility, and predictability. At the same time, accounting systems may need to be revised so that they can provide real cost information by program, and can support the accountability that is necessary for improved performance.

REFERENCES
Journal, September 29, 2000, Vol. 24 Issue 6, p16.
Anderson, J. E., and R. W. Wassmer. 1995. The decision to "bid for business:" Municipal behavior in granting property tax abatements. Regional Science and Urban Economics 25:739-57.
Auer, Tonie. Communities offer tax abatements to attract economic development. Fort Worth Business Press, April 21, 2000, Vol. 12 Issue 52, p3A.
Ball, Brian R. Drury Inn tax package nixed before council vote. Business First-Columbus, August 4, 2000, Vol. 16 Issue 50, p1.
Cheslow, Jerry. "Morristown, NJ.: Presence of the Past in a Lively Downtown—Historic area throbs with new businesses and residences," New York Times, October 31, 1999.
Clingermayer, J. C., and R. C. Feiock. 1990. The adoption of economic development policies by large cities: A test of economic interest group and institutional explanations. Policy Studies Journal 18 (3): 539-52.
Curry, Kerry. Myers and Crow set ro receive 50% abatement. Dallas Business Journal, August 20, 1999, Vol. 22 Issue 52, p10.
Delaney, John "Jay." Mayor’s Budget Message—2000 Municipal Budget, January 15, 2000.
Kostelni, Natalie. Bill seeks to woo residents. Philadelphia Business Journal, October 15, 1999, Vol. 18 Issue 36, p1.
Peoples, Judith B. Property taxes and schools: The New Jersey riddle, NJ School Board Association, 1998. [http://www.njsba.org/property_tax/ptser07.html]
Robinson, Frederick, et. al. "Government that works! New Jersey Department of the Treasury Local Government Budget Review of Morristown," State of New Jersey, September 1996.
Rodda, Kelli. New central city lines proposed. Fort Worth Business Press, May 26, 2000, Vol. 13 Issue 5, p1.
Sales, Esq., Joseph, attorney for Second-Roc Jersey Associates, owners of Headquarters Plaza. Objection to abatement application, March 28, 2000.
Tannenbaum, Esq., Paul, attorney for Morristown Green LLC. "Five Year Abatement Project Application," addressed to Mayor Jay Delaney and Town Council, February 24, 2000.
Tucci, Linda. City addicted to abatement. St. Louis Business Journal, January 12, 1998, Vol. 18 Issue 18, p1A.
Wolkoff, M. 1985. Is economic development decision making rational? Urban Affairs Quarterly 27:340-55.
——. Abatement’s price. St. Louis Business Journal, January 12, 1998, Vol. 18 Issue 18, p34A.——. Give ‘em a break. Dallas Business Journal, August 20, 1999, Vol. 22 Issue 52, p74.——. N.J.S.A. 40A:21—Five Year Exemption and Abatement Law.——. Town of Morristown, Town Council meeting, April 11, 2000.——. Town of Morristown, Town Council meeting, April 25, 2000.——. League of Municipalities web site—http://www.njslom.com——. Morristown Partnership web site—http://www.morristownnj.com——. Morristown USA—http://www.morristownusa.com——. Century 21 Department Stores—http://c21stores.com/——. Online Dictionary—http://www.dictionary.com
Chronological Newspaper ReferenceO'Reiley. Century 21 gets its house in order. Daily Record, April 23, 2002.
——. Town-by-town results: Morristown. Daily Record, June 27, 2001
——. Macy’s owners get extension for plan. Daily Record, June 7, 2001.
Zlock, Jon. Morristown to weigh Macy’s replacement. Daily Record, June 4, 2001.
Zlock, Jon. Macy’s developers pitch another plan. Daily Record, March 1, 2001.
——. Morristown. Star-Ledger, March 31, 2001.
Zlock, Jon. Plan for old Macy’s site revisited. Daily Record, February 28, 2001.
Zlock, Jon. Morristown Partnership hears Macy’s tax proposal. Daily Record, November 15, 2000.
Nadilo, Joe. Macy’s owner courts votes. Daily Record, September 29, 2000.
Nadilo, Joe. Mayor wants to confer with Macy’s owners. Daily Record, August 24, 2000.
Swayze, Bill. Council rejects Macy’s option. Star-Ledger, August 23, 2000.
Nadilo, Joe. DeLaney continues Macy’s crusade. Daily Record, July 25, 2000.
Swayze, Bill. Retailers differ on denial of tax break. Star-Ledger, April 13, 2000.
Bruno, Laura. Macy’s owner to try again for tax break. Daily Record, April 13, 2000.
Swayze, Bill. Morristown rejects builder’s tax request. Star-Ledger, April 12, 2000.
Bruno, Laura. Morristown votes down tax break. Daily Record, April 12, 2000.
Swayze, Bill. Vail Mansion on way to becoming hotel. Star-Ledger, April 12, 2000.
Ungar, Eli. Editorial: Tax break a good deal for Morristown? Yes, town will benefit in the long run. Daily Record, April 9, 2000.
O’Reiley, Tim. Tax break for developers a novelty in Morris. Daily Record, April 9, 2000.
Swayze, Bill. New look is on the horizon for famed Morristown Green. Star-Ledger, April 2, 2000.
Swayze, Bill. Macy’s site plan raises question of character. Star-Ledger, March 31, 2000.
Bruno, Laura. Headquarters Plaza objects to tax abatement. Daily Record, March 30, 2000.
Bruno, Laura. Morristown puts off Macy’s tax abatement ruling. Daily Record, March 29, 2000.
Swayze, Bill. Morristown puts off action in tax abatement dispute. Star-Ledger, March 29, 2000.
Swayze, Bill. Plan revised for ex-Macy’s site. Star-Ledger, March 23, 2000.
Morristown by the numbers. Daily Record, March 23, 2000.
Bruno, Laura. Morristown hears argument for easing builder’s tax levy. Daily Record, March 15, 2000.
Swayze, Bill. Macy’s building developer hopes to sell tax break to Morristown. Star-Ledger, March 12, 2000.
Bruno, Laura. Macy’s builders seek tax help. Daily Record, March 11, 2000.
Swayze, Bill. Big tax break sought for Macy’s tract. Star-Ledger, March 10, 2000.
Bruno, Laura. Two nonprofits donate $975 to Morristown in lieu of taxes. Daily Record, February 23, 2000.
Editorial: Morristown must plan its future wisely. Star-Ledger, February 15, 2000.
Swayze, Bill. Morristown Green ready for a change. Star-Ledger, February 13, 2000.
Swayze, Bill. Developers offer vision for Green. Star-Ledger, February 11, 2000.
Swayze, Bill. In Morristown, builders are looking up. Star-Ledger, February 6, 2000.
Swayze, Bill. Morristown officials: New downtown building must blend in. Star-Ledger, February 2, 2000.
Bruno, Laura. Builder unveils seven story vision for the Green. Daily Record, February 1, 2000.
Swayze, Bill. Owners propose to replace ex-Macy’s with new building. Star-Ledger, February 1, 2000.
Gluck, Gabriel H. Apartment pickups trash local budgets. Star-Ledger, January 30, 2000.
Swayze, Bill. Tax rate hike of 9.9% sought in Morristown. Star-Ledger, January 16, 2000.
Swayze, Bill. Morristown builder has big plans for Speedwell. Star-Ledger, January 12, 2000.
Hester, Tom. Towns’ special district plans pass test in Supreme Court. Star-Ledger, May 14, 1999.
Dumenigo, Argelio. Morristown one of 5 towns riding rail depot program. Star-Ledger, April 15, 1999.
Swayze, Bill. New owners reshape old Macy’s building. Star-Ledger, April 1, 1999.
Swayze, Bill. As Green tract changes hands, a shop owner tearfully bows out. Star-Ledger, January 27, 1999.
Swayze, Bill. $100 million in debt, so taxes soar again. Star-Ledger, January 16, 1999.
Saitz, Greg. With buyout, Morristown hopes to see growth along the Green. Star-Ledger, January 6, 1999.
Swayze, Bill. Parking deck gives Morristown a lift. Star-Ledger, December 16, 1998.
Swayze, Bill. Redevelopment in hands of new owner. Star-Ledger, December 8, 1998.
Swayze, Bill. Morristown weighs a vacant-Macy’s sale. Star-Ledger, October 18, 1998.
Swayze, Bill. Real estate feud could aid Morristown Green. Star-Ledger, September 11, 1998.
Swayze, Bill. Upscale apartment complex is unveiled in Morristown. Star-Ledger, July 15, 1998.
Swayze, Bill. Redevelopment zone proposed for Morristown. Star-Ledger, May 8, 1998.
Swayze, Bill. Budget baton passed to Morristown mayor. Star-Ledger, December 24, 1997.
Swayze, Bill. Consultant to examine Green plan. Star-Ledger, December 2, 1997.
Swayze, Bill. Bloch still pushing Morristown revamp. Star-Ledger, November 18, 1997.
Swayze, Bill. Macy’s owners still hoping to fill store. Star-Ledger, September 18, 1997.
Riley, Bill. Morristown clears redevelopment study. Star-Ledger, September 10, 1997.
Swayze, Bill. Macy building owner rejects Morristown’s development plan. Star-Ledger, August 21, 1997.
Swayze, Bill. Legal questions stall plans for a ‘new’ Morristown. Star-Ledger, August 15, 1997.
Swayze, Bill. Morristown eyes a takeover of empty stores. Star-Ledger, August 13, 1997.
Swayze, Bill. Parking deck may revive Macy’s building. Star-Ledger, January
www.mrsc.org/subjects/finance/budgets/budget.aspx

Wednesday, July 18, 2007

OSSAMA BIN LADEN

OUSSAMA BEN LADEN Al Qaeda a été fondé en 1988 par Oussama Ben Laden pour consolider le réseau international qu'il a établi pendant la guerre afghane. Ses buts étaient l'avancement des révolutions islamiques dans tout le monde musulman et repousser l'intervention étrangère dans le Moyen-Orient. Ben Laden, fils d'un homme d'affaires saoudien de milliardaire, est devenu impliqué dans le combat contre l'invasion et le métier de l'Union Soviétique de l'Afghanistan, qui a duré de 1979 à 1988 et a fini avec une défaite soviétique aux mains des milices internationales des combattants musulmans soutenus par les États-Unis, l'Arabie Saoudite et le Pakistan. En même temps que le chef musulman palestinien de confrérie, Abdullah Azzam, Ben Laden a couru une de sept milices principales impliquées dans le combat. Ils ont établi des bases de formation militaire en Afghanistan et ont fondé Al Khidamat de Maktab, ou entretiennent l'Office, un réseau de soutien qui a fourni les recrues et l'argent par les centres mondiaux, incluant aux États-Unis Ben Laden et Azzam ont eu différentes visions pour que ce que fasse avec le réseau qu'ils avaient établi. Ben Laden a décidé à Al trouvé Qaeda, basé sur des affiliations personnelles créées pendant le combat en Afghanistan aussi bien que sur son propres réseau, réputation et accès internationaux à de grandes sommes d'argent. L'année suivante Azzam a été assassinée. Après que la guerre ait fini, les Afghan-Arabes, en tant que volontaires la plupart du temps non-Afghans qui ont combattu les Soviétiques sont venus pour être connus, retourné à leurs pays d'origine ou des conflits jointifs en Somalie, aux Balkans et Chechenie. Ceci l'extension globale de Qaeda bénéficié d'Al et plus tard aidé à cultiver la seconde et les troisièmes génération des terroristes de Qaeda d'Al. Après la première guerre du Golfe, Al Qaeda a décalé son foyer à combattre la présence croissante des États-Unis dans le Moyen-Orient, en particulier en Arabie Saoudite, maison aux tombeaux les plus sacrés de l'Islam. Al Qaeda s'est vociferously opposé à poster des troupes des États-Unis sur ce qu'il a considéré le plus saint des terres islamiques et a fait une campagne prolongée de terrorisme contre les gouverneurs saoudiens, que Ben Laden a considérés être les musulmans faux. Le but final de cette campagne était de déposer la famille royale saoudienne et d'installer un régime islamique sur la péninsule Arabe. Le régime saoudien Ben Laden plus tard expulsé en 1992 et retiré sa citoyenneté en 1994. En Ben Laden 1991 déplacé au Soudan, où il a opéré jusqu'en 1996. Pendant cette période, Al Qaeda a établi des raccordements avec d'autres organismes de terreur avec l'aide de ses centres serveurs et Iran soudanais. Tandis qu'au Soudan, Al Qaeda a été impliqué dans plusieurs attaques et guerrillaactions de terreur effectué par d'autres organismes. En mai 1996, après pression des États-Unis sur le gouvernement soudanais, Ben Laden s'est déplacé en Afghanistan où il s'est allié avec le Taliban régnant. Entre 1991 et 1996, Al Qaeda a participé à plusieurs attaques principales de terreur. Al Qaeda a été impliqué dans le bombardement de deux hôtels à Aden, Yémen, qui a visé les troupes américaines en cours de route en Somalie sur une mission d'humanitaire et de maintien de la paix. Il a également donné l'aide massive aux milices somaliennes, dont les efforts ont apporté le retrait certain des forces des États-Unis en 1994. Ben Laden a été également impliqué dans une tentative d'assassinat contre le Président égyptien Hosni Mubarak en Ethiopie en juin 1995. Deux actions principales de terroriste contre les militaires des États-Unis en Arabie Saoudite, une attaque du novembre 1995 dans Riyadh et les tours du juin 1996 Khobar bombardant, la stratégie de Qaeda alors également adapté d'Al, mais leur raccordement à Al Qaeda n'est pas entièrement claire. Il y a peu d'évidence pour suggérer un raccordement significatif entre Ben Laden et le premier bombardement de centre commercial mondial en 1993. Après s'être déplacé en Afghanistan, Ben Laden a escaladé sa rhétorique anti-Américaine. Dans une entrevue avec l'indépendant en juillet 1996, Ben Laden a félicité les attaques de Riyadh et de Dhahram sur des forces des États-Unis en Arabie Saoudite, dire elle a marqué « le commencement de la guerre entre les musulmans et les Etats-Unis. » Il n'a pas pris la responsabilité des attaques, mais dit que « pas il y a bien longtemps, j'ai donné des conseils aux Américains pour retirer leurs troupes d'Arabie Saoudite. » Le 23 août 1996, Ben Laden a publié déclaration de Qaeda premier d'Al la « de la guerre » contre l'Amérique, son « message d'Oussama Ben Laden à ses frères musulmans dans le monde entier et particulièrement dans la péninsule Arabe : déclaration de jihad contre les Américains occupant la terre des deux mosquées saintes (Arabie Saoudite) ; expulser les hérétiques de la péninsule Arabe. » En février 1998 Ben Laden et plusieurs principaux militants musulmans ont déclaré la formation d'une coalition appelée l'avant islamique international pour Jihad contre les juifs et les croisés pour combattre les organismes de membre des États-Unis ont inclus Al Qaeda, Jihad islamique égyptien mené par Al-Zawahiri de Dr. Ayman, le groupe islamique égyptien, et des organismes occupés dans le Cachemire et le Bangladesh. Ben Laden a été nommé pour diriger le conseil de l'avant (shura). Les militants ont signé un fatwa (opinion religieuse) décrivant l'idéologie et les buts de l'avant. Le fatwa a été édité dans un papier arabe basé à Londres, Al Arabi de Quds d'Al ; il a invité tous les musulmans « à tuer les Américains et leurs alliés - des civils et militaire, » là où ils m ay be. Subsequently, Al Qaeda escalated its war against the U.S. In August 1998, Al Qaeda bombed two U.S. embassies in East Africa (Nairobi, Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania) killing more than 200 people, including 12 Americans. In retaliation, the U.S. attacked targets in Sudan and Afghanistan. In October 2000, Al Qaeda bombed the U.S.S. Cole, an American guided-missile destroyer at Aden, Yemen, killing 17 American servicemen. It committed its most devastating attack on September 11, 2001, when 19 Al Qaeda operatives hijacked four passenger planes and drove two into the Twin Towers in New York City and one into the Pentagon; a fourth plane crashed in rural Pennsylvania. Nearly 3,000 people were killed in the attack.

Wednesday, July 11, 2007

writing a CV

writing a CV

Le PRÉSIDENT Yoweri Museveni a hier voyagé par la route en excursion

Le PRÉSIDENT Yoweri Museveni a hier voyagé par la route en excursion du Kenya et la Tanzanie pour discuter la fédération africaine est, énoncent la Chambre dite. Museveni, accompagné de son épouse Janet, est arrivé au poste de douanes de Busia à environ 2:30 P.M. Il s'est arrêté pour une causerie avec les chefs de zone, y compris RDC Robinah Nabanja, le patron LC5 que Patrick étaient et MP Steven Mugeni Wasike de nord de Samia Bugwe. Le président a remercié les personnes de Busia du côté ougandais d'abandonner le magendo (contrebande) pour s'embarquer sur des affaires véritables. « Magendo était un résultat de la pénurie des produits essentiels. Mais maintenant, il y a production des deux côtés frontière d'Ouganda, Kenya, » la Chambre d'état, dans un rapport, Museveni cité comme disant. Il a soumis à une contrainte que la Communauté africaine est faciliterait le mouvement facile des marchandises et des services. « Un grand marché est bon pour des producteurs, » il a dit. Les affaires à la frontière avaient été à un arrêt depuis que 9:00 AM comme portes de chaque côté étaient fermé. Les transactions à la cour de douane étaient également vers le bas comme la majeure partie du dégagement et les transitaires ne pourraient pas atteindre leurs clients et l'autre côté de la frontière. Quelques conducteurs désespérés de camion et chargeurs occasionnels se sont plaints du « non appelé pour retardent, » tandis que d'autres déploraient que le « gardien de la loi » était accordé la priorité. Le convoi de 17 véhicules, y compris un camion qui a porté un véhicule disponible, puis a croisé en le Kenya, où le président a été reçu à la maison de pays du vice-président kenyan, Awori déprimé, dans Funyula, sud-est environ de 24km de la ville de Busia. Museveni a honoré Awori et son épouse avec des médailles de Nalubaale pour leur contribution à la libération de l'Ouganda du régime d'IDI Amin, rapporte Reuben Olita. Museveni a indiqué que les Ougandais aidés par Awori obtiennent les travaux à Nairobi. La médaille est attribuée aux gens qui ont participé ou ont soutenu la lutte 1981 à 1986 de guérillero qui a apporté Museveni à la puissance. Le frère du vice-président, Aggrey Awori, qui s'est tenu contre Museveni dans les 2001 élections présidentielles, a assisté à la fonction. « Je suis venu ici aujourd'hui avec ma famille (Janet) à la parole vous remercie Mzee Awori et te dis que vous étiez en effet le combattant de la liberté de l'Ouganda. Tous les combattants de liberté en Ouganda sont attribués ces médailles et vous êtes l'une d'entre elles, » Museveni dit en tant que foule encouragée. « Quand les Ougandais ont eu des problèmes, les Kenyans nous ont aidés. Nous consolidons maintenant cette amitié avec mon ami Mwai Kibaki pour nous assurer réalisons une fédération politique, » il a dit. Awori, sur sa partie, a indiqué la conduite de Museveni respecté par Kenya et l'a invité à continuer dans la puissance de consolider les bonnes relations entre les voisins. C'était un grand honneur, il a ajouté, pour que Museveni lui paye un appel de courtoisie, le décrivant comme phénomène rare. Museveni est arrivé à la frontière à une bienvenue assourdissante des Kenyans encourageants qui ont parlé en faveur avec lui pour s'adresser à eux. Il a obligé. Sur son chemin à Kisumu pour la nuit, Museveni a été reçu en encourageant des foules dans toutes les villes principales. À la résidence d'Awori, Museveni a tenu des discussions privées avec son centre serveur pendant 40 minutes. Aucun détail des entretiens n'a été divulgué. Cependant, les affaires étrangères du Kenya administrent, Raphael Tuju, ont indiqué les entretiens portés sur les bonnes relations entre le Kenya et l'Ouganda. Museveni voyagera également par la route aujourd'hui à Musoma, Tanzanie, où on s'attend à ce qu'il honore le Président à titre posthume ancien Jules Nyerere pour sa contribution à la libération de l'Ouganda.

Tuesday, July 10, 2007

Le PRÉSIDENT Yoweri Museveni a hier voyagé par la route en excursion du Kenya et la Tanzanie pour discuter la fédération africaine est, énoncent la Chambre dite. Museveni, accompagné de son épouse Janet, est arrivé au poste de douanes de Busia à environ 2:30 P.M. Il s'est arrêté pour une causerie avec les chefs de zone, y compris RDC Robinah Nabanja, le patron LC5 que Patrick étaient et MP Steven Mugeni Wasike de nord de Samia Bugwe. Le président a remercié les personnes de Busia du côté ougandais d'abandonner le magendo (contrebande) pour s'embarquer sur des affaires véritables. « Magendo était un résultat de la pénurie des produits essentiels. Mais maintenant, il y a production des deux côtés frontière d'Ouganda, Kenya, » la Chambre d'état, dans un rapport, Museveni cité comme disant. Il a soumis à une contrainte que la Communauté africaine est faciliterait le mouvement facile des marchandises et des services. « Un grand marché est bon pour des producteurs, » il a dit. Les affaires à la frontière avaient été à un arrêt depuis que 9:00 AM comme portes de chaque côté étaient fermé. Les transactions à la cour de douane étaient également vers le bas comme la majeure partie du dégagement et les transitaires ne pourraient pas atteindre leurs clients et l'autre côté de la frontière. Quelques conducteurs désespérés de camion et chargeurs occasionnels se sont plaints du « non appelé pour retardent, » tandis que d'autres déploraient que le « gardien de la loi » était accordé la priorité. Le convoi de 17 véhicules, y compris un camion qui a porté un véhicule disponible, puis a croisé en le Kenya, où le président a été reçu à la maison de pays du vice-président kenyan, Awori déprimé, dans Funyula, sud-est environ de 24km de la ville de Busia. Museveni a honoré Awori et son épouse avec des médailles de Nalubaale pour leur contribution à la libération de l'Ouganda du régime d'IDI Amin, rapporte Reuben Olita. Museveni a indiqué que les Ougandais aidés par Awori obtiennent les travaux à Nairobi. La médaille est attribuée aux gens qui ont participé ou ont soutenu la lutte 1981 à 1986 de guérillero qui a apporté Museveni à la puissance. Le frère du vice-président, Aggrey Awori, qui s'est tenu contre Museveni dans les 2001 élections présidentielles, a assisté à la fonction. « Je suis venu ici aujourd'hui avec ma famille (Janet) à la parole vous remercie Mzee Awori et te dis que vous étiez en effet le combattant de la liberté de l'Ouganda. Tous les combattants de liberté en Ouganda sont attribués ces médailles et vous êtes l'une d'entre elles, » Museveni dit en tant que foule encouragée. « Quand les Ougandais ont eu des problèmes, les Kenyans nous ont aidés. Nous consolidons maintenant cette amitié avec mon ami Mwai Kibaki pour nous assurer réalisons une fédération politique, » il a dit. Awori, sur sa partie, a indiqué la conduite de Museveni respecté par Kenya et l'a invité à continuer dans la puissance de consolider les bonnes relations entre les voisins. C'était un grand honneur, il a ajouté, pour que Museveni lui paye un appel de courtoisie, le décrivant comme phénomène rare. Museveni est arrivé à la frontière à une bienvenue assourdissante des Kenyans encourageants qui ont parlé en faveur avec lui pour s'adresser à eux. Il a obligé. Sur son chemin à Kisumu pour la nuit, Museveni a été reçu en encourageant des foules dans toutes les villes principales. À la résidence d'Awori, Museveni a tenu des discussions privées avec son centre serveur pendant 40 minutes. Aucun détail des entretiens n'a été divulgué. Cependant, les affaires étrangères du Kenya administrent, Raphael Tuju, ont indiqué les entretiens portés sur les bonnes relations entre le Kenya et l'Ouganda. Museveni voyagera également par la route aujourd'hui à Musoma, Tanzanie, où on s'attend à ce qu'il honore le Président à titre posthume ancien Jules Nyerere pour sa contribution à la libération de l'Ouganda.

Wednesday, July 04, 2007

OSAMA BIN LADEN

Al Qaeda was founded in 1988 by Osama bin Laden to consolidate the international network he established during the Afghan war. Its goals were the advancement of Islamic revolutions throughout the Muslim world and repelling foreign intervention in the Middle East.
Bin Laden, son of a billionaire Saudi businessman, became involved in the fight against the Soviet Union’s invasion and occupation of Afghanistan, which lasted from 1979 to 1988 and ended with a Soviet defeat at the hands of international militias of Muslim fighters backed by the U.S., Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. Together with Palestinian Muslim Brotherhood leader, Abdullah Azzam, bin Laden ran one of seven main militias involved in the fighting. They established military training bases in Afghanistan and founded Maktab Al Khidamat, or Services Office, a support network that provided recruits and money through worldwide centers, including in the U.S.
Bin Laden and Azzam had different visions for what to do with the network they had established. Bin Laden decided to found Al Qaeda, based on personal affiliations created during the fighting in Afghanistan as well as on his own international network, reputation and access to large sums of money. The following year Azzam was assassinated. After the war ended, the Afghan-Arabs, as the mostly non-Afghan volunteers who fought the Soviets came to be known, either returned to their countries of origin or joined conflicts in Somalia, the Balkans and Chechnya. This benefited Al Qaeda’s global reach and later helped cultivate the second and third generations of Al Qaeda terrorists.
Following the first Gulf War, Al Qaeda shifted its focus to fighting the growing U.S. presence in the Middle East, particularly in Saudi Arabia, home to Islam’s most sacred shrines. Al Qaeda vociferously opposed the stationing of U.S. troops on what it considered the holiest of Islamic lands and waged an extended campaign of terrorism against the Saudi rulers, whom bin Laden deemed to be false Muslims. The ultimate goal of this campaign was to depose the Saudi royal family and install an Islamic regime on the Arabian peninsula. The Saudi regime subsequently deported bin Laden in 1992 and revoked his citizenship in 1994.
In 1991 bin Laden moved to Sudan, where he operated until 1996. During this period, Al Qaeda established connections with other terror organizations with the help of its Sudanese hosts and Iran. While in Sudan, Al Qaeda was involved in several terror attacks and guerrillaactions carried out by other organizations. In May 1996, following U.S. pressure on the Sudanese government, bin Laden moved to Afghanistan where he allied himself with the ruling Taliban.
Between 1991 and 1996, Al Qaeda took part in several major terror attacks. Al Qaeda was involved in the bombing of two hotels in Aden, Yemen, which targeted American troops en route to Somalia on a humanitarian and peacekeeping mission. It also gave massive assistance to Somali militias, whose efforts brought the eventual withdrawal of U.S. forces in 1994. Bin Laden was also involved in an assassination attempt against Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak in Ethiopia in June 1995. Two major terrorist actions against the U.S. military in Saudi Arabia, a November 1995 attack in Riyadh and the June 1996 Khobar Towers bombing, also fit Al Qaeda’s strategy at the time, but their connection to Al Qaeda is not entirely clear. There is little evidence to suggest a significant connection between bin Laden and the first World Trade Center bombing in 1993.
After moving to Afghanistan, bin Laden escalated his anti-American rhetoric. In an interview with the Independent in July 1996, bin Laden praised the Riyadh and Dhahram attacks on U.S. forces in Saudi Arabia, saying it marked “the beginning of war between Muslims and the United States.” He did not take responsibility for the attacks, but said that “not long ago, I gave advice to the Americans to withdraw their troops from Saudi Arabia.” On August 23, 1996, bin Laden issued Al Qaeda’s first “declaration of war” against America, his “Message from Osama bin Laden to his Muslim brothers in the whole world and especially in the Arabian Peninsula: declaration of jihad against the Americans occupying the Land of the Two Holy Mosques (Saudi Arabia); expel the heretics from the Arabian Peninsula.”

In February 1998 bin Laden and several leading Muslim militants declared the formation of a coalition called the International Islamic Front for Jihad Against the Jews and Crusaders to fight the U.S. Member organizations included Al Qaeda, the Egyptian Islamic Jihad led by Dr. Ayman al-Zawahiri, the Egyptian Islamic Group, and organizations engaged in Kashmir and Bangladesh. Bin Laden was appointed to head the Front’s council (shura). The militants signed a fatwa (religious opinion) outlining the Front’s ideology and goals. The fatwa was published in a London-based Arabic paper, Al Quds Al Arabi; it called on all Muslims to “kill the Americans and their allies - civilians and military,” wherever they may be.
Subsequently, Al Qaeda escalated its war against the U.S. In August 1998, Al Qaeda bombed two U.S. embassies in East Africa (Nairobi, Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania) killing more than 200 people, including 12 Americans. In retaliation, the U.S. attacked targets in Sudan and Afghanistan. In October 2000, Al Qaeda bombed the U.S.S. Cole, an American guided-missile destroyer at Aden, Yemen, killing 17 American servicemen. It committed its most devastating attack on September 11, 2001, when 19 Al Qaeda operatives hijacked four passenger planes and drove two into the Twin Towers in New York City and one into the Pentagon; a fourth plane crashed in rural Pennsylvania. Nearly 3,000 people were killed in the attack.

NRM Rebel MPs fight back

The rebel National Resistance Movement MPs, who were reportedly dropped from leadership positions on Parliamentary Committees by their party, are fighting back. One has sounded an alarm that his life may be under threat while another wants to bring down Chief Whip Kabakumba Matsiko.
Rubanda West MP Henry Banyenzaki and Worker’s MP Dr. Sam Lyomoki are been critical about conduct within the NRM Caucus and outspoken against what they see as wrongs within government.
They accuse the Party leadership of dictating already-made positions to the Caucus through Chief Whip Kabakumba Matsiko. They say that she was appointed by the President and Chairman of the NRMO Gen. Yoweri Museveni against the Rules of Procedure;
They have had the threat of disciplinary action hanging over their heads since and the Party leadership appears to swinging into action. Banyenzaki is vowing not to be shaken by what he terms rogue pro-NRM elements and risk his life for the truth:
Leader of Opposition Prof. Ogenga Latigo says that this was bound to happen gauging from the lack of objectivity within the NRM. However, later in the day during the Plenary, the Speaker of Parliament, Edward Ssekandi upheld the decision of the NRM to remove both Dr. Lyomoki and Banyenzaki from their respective Committees.
This caused a tense exchange between the Speaker and Makindye East MP Michael Mabikke who said that the former was setting a dangerous precedent which could be used against him in future
This appears to be a first victory against the errant MPs who could say has been a thorn in the side of the ruling party.

Tuesday, July 03, 2007

HOMOSEXUALITY

The term ‘homosexuality’ was coined in the late 19th century by a German psychologist, Karoly Maria Benkert. Although the term is new, discussions about sexuality in general, and same-sex attraction in particular, have occasioned philosophical discussion ranging from Plato's Symposium to contemporary queer theory. Since the history of cultural understandings of same-sex attraction is relevant to the philosophical issues raised by those understandings, it is necessary to review briefly some of the social history of homosexuality. Arising out of this history, at least in the West, is the idea of natural law and some interpretations of that law as forbidding homosexual sex. References to natural law still play an important role in contemporary debates about homosexuality in religion, politics, and even courtrooms. Finally, perhaps the most significant recent social change involving homosexuality is the emergence of the gay liberation movement in the West. In philosophical circles this movement is, in part, represented through a rather diverse group of thinkers who are grouped under the label of queer theory. A central issue raised by queer theory, which will be discussed below, is whether homosexuality, and hence also heterosexuality and bisexuality, is socially constructed or purely driven by biological forces.
1. History
2. Natural Law
3. Queer Theory and the Social Construction of Sexuality
4. Conclusion
Bibliography
Other Internet Resources
Related Entries
1. History
As has been frequently noted, the ancient Greeks did not have terms or concepts that correspond to the contemporary dichotomy of ‘heterosexual’ and ‘homosexual’. There is a wealth of material from ancient Greece pertinent to issues of sexuality, ranging from dialogues of Plato, such as the Symposium, to plays by Aristophanes, and Greek artwork and vases. What follows is a brief description of ancient Greek attitudes, but it is important to recognize that there was regional variation. For example, in parts of Ionia there were general strictures against same-sex eros, while in Elis and Boiotia (e.g., Thebes), it was approved of and even celebrated (cf. Dover, 1989; Halperin, 1990).
Probably the most frequent assumption of sexual orientation is that persons can respond erotically to beauty in either sex. Diogenes Laeurtius, for example, wrote of Alcibiades, the Athenian general and politician of the 5th century B.C., “in his adolescence he drew away the husbands from their wives, and as a young man the wives from their husbands.” (Quoted in Greenberg, 1988, 144) Some persons were noted for their exclusive interests in persons of one gender. For example, Alexander the Great and the founder of Stoicism, Zeno of Citium, were known for their exclusive interest in boys and other men. Such persons, however, are generally portrayed as the exception. Furthermore, the issue of what gender one is attracted to is seen as an issue of taste or preference, rather than as a moral issue. A character in Plutarch's Erotikos (Dialogue on Love) argues that “the noble lover of beauty engages in love wherever he sees excellence and splendid natural endowment without regard for any difference in physiological detail.” (Ibid., 146) Gender just becomes irrelevant “detail” and instead the excellence in character and beauty is what is most important.
Even though the gender that one was erotically attracted to (at any specific time, given the assumption that persons will likely be attracted to persons of both sexes) was not important, other issues were salient, such as whether one exercised moderation. Status concerns were also of the highest importance. Given that only free men had full status, women and male slaves were not problematic sexual partners. Sex between freemen, however, was problematic for status. The central distinction in ancient Greek sexual relations was between taking an active or insertive role, versus a passive or penetrated one. The passive role was acceptable only for inferiors, such as women, slaves, or male youths who were not yet citizens. Hence the cultural ideal of a same-sex relationship was between an older man, probably in his 20's or 30's, known as the erastes, and a boy whose beard had not yet begun to grow, the eromenos or paidika. In this relationship there was courtship ritual, involving gifts (such as a rooster), and other norms. The erastes had to show that he had nobler interests in the boy, rather than a purely sexual concern. The boy was not to submit too easily, and if pursued by more than one man, was to show discretion and pick the more noble one. There is also evidence that penetration was often avoided by having the erastes face his beloved and place his penis between the thighs of the eromenos, which is known as intercrural sex. The relationship was to be temporary and should end upon the boy reaching adulthood (Dover, 1989). To continue in a submissive role even while one should be an equal citizen was considered troubling, although there certainly were many adult male same-sex relationships that were noted and not strongly stigmatized. While the passive role was thus seen as problematic, to be attracted to men was often taken as a sign of masculinity. Greek gods, such as Zeus, had stories of same-sex exploits attributed to them, as did other key figures in Greek myth and literature, such as Achilles and Hercules. Plato, in the Symposium, argues for an army to be comprised of same-sex lovers. Thebes did form such a regiment, the Sacred Band of Thebes, formed of 500 soldiers. They were renowned in the ancient world for their valor in battle.
Ancient Rome had many parallels in its understanding of same-sex attraction, and sexual issues more generally, to ancient Greece. This is especially true under the Republic. Yet under the Empire, Roman society slowly became more negative in its views towards sexuality, probably due to social and economic turmoil, even before Christianity became influential.
Exactly what attitude the New Testament has towards sexuality in general, and same-sex attraction in particular, is a matter of sharp debate. John Boswell argues, in his fascinating Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality, that many passages taken today as condemnations of homosexuality are more concerned with prostitution, or where same-sex acts are described as “unnatural” the meaning is more akin to ‘out of the ordinary’ rather than as immoral (Boswell, 1980, ch.4; see also Boswell, 1994). Yet others have criticized, sometimes persuasively, Boswell's scholarship (see Greenberg, 1988, ch.5). What is clear, however, is that while condemnation of same-sex attraction is marginal to the Gospels and only an intermittent focus in the rest of the New Testament, early Christian church fathers were much more outspoken. In their writings there is a horror at any sort of sex, but in a few generations these views eased, in part due no doubt to practical concerns of recruiting converts. By the fourth and fifth centuries the mainstream Christian view allowed for procreative sex.
This viewpoint, that procreative sex within marriage is allowed, while every other expression of sexuality is sinful, can be found, for example, in St. Augustine. This understanding leads to a concern with the gender of one's partner that is not found in previous Greek or Roman views, and it clearly forbids homosexual acts. Soon this attitude, especially towards homosexual sex, came to be reflected in Roman Law. In Justinian's Code, promulgated in 529, persons who engaged in homosexual sex were to be executed, although those who were repentant could be spared. Historians agree that the late Roman Empire saw a rise in intolerance towards sexuality, although there were again important regional variations.
With the decline of the Roman Empire, and its replacement by various barbarian kingdoms, a general tolerance (with the sole exception of Visigothic Spain) of homosexual acts prevailed. As one prominent scholar puts it, “European secular law contained few measures against homosexuality until the middle of the thirteenth century.” (Greenberg, 1988, 260) Even while some Christian theologians continued to denounce nonprocreative sexuality, including same-sex acts, a genre of homophilic literature, especially among the clergy, developed in the eleventh and twelfth centuries (Boswell, 1980, chapters 8 and 9).
The latter part of the twelfth through the fourteenth centuries, however, saw a sharp rise in intolerance towards homosexual sex, alongside persecution of Jews, Muslims, heretics, and others. While the causes of this are somewhat unclear, it is likely that increased class conflict alongside the Gregorian reform movement in the Catholic Church were two important factors. The Church itself started to appeal to a conception of “nature” as the standard of morality, and drew it in such a way so as to forbid homosexual sex (as well as extramarital sex, nonprocreative sex within marriage, and often masturbation). For example, the first ecumenical council to condemn homosexual sex, Lateran III of 1179, stated that “Whoever shall be found to have committed that incontinence which is against nature” shall be punished, the severity of which depended upon whether the transgressor was a cleric or layperson (quoted in Boswell, 1980, 277). This appeal to natural law (discussed below) became very influential in the Western tradition. An important point to note, however, is that the key category here is the ‘sodomite,’ which differs from the contemporary idea of ‘homosexual’. A sodomite was understood as act-defined, rather than as a type of person. Someone who had desires to engage in sodomy, yet did not act upon them, was not a sodomite. Also, persons who engaged in heterosexual sodomy were also sodomites. There are reports of persons being burned to death or beheaded for sodomy with a spouse (Greenberg, 1988, 277). Finally, a person who had engaged in sodomy, yet who had repented of his sin and vowed to never do it again, was no longer a sodomite. The gender of one's partner is again not of decisive importance, although some medieval theologians single out same-sex sodomy as the worst type of sexual crime.
For the next several centuries in Europe, the laws against homosexual sex were severe in their penalties. Enforcement, however, was episodic. In some regions, decades would pass without any prosecutions. Yet the Dutch, in the 1730's, mounted a harsh anti-sodomy campaign (alongside an anti-Gypsy pogrom), even using torture to obtain confessions. As many as one hundred men and boys were executed and denied burial (Greenberg, 1988, 313-4). Also, the degree to which sodomy and same-sex attraction were accepted varied by class, with the middle class taking the narrowest view, while the aristocracy and nobility often accepted public expressions of alternative sexualities. At times, even with the risk of severe punishment, same-sex oriented subcultures would flourish in cities, sometimes only to be suppressed by the authorities. In the 19th century there was a significant reduction in the legal penalties for sodomy. The Napoleonic code decriminalized sodomy, and with Napoleon's conquests that Code spread. Furthermore, in many countries where homosexual sex remained a crime, the general movement at this time away from the death penalty usually meant that sodomy was removed from the list of capital offenses.
In the 18th and 19th centuries an overtly theological framework no longer dominated the discourse about same-sex attraction. Instead, secular arguments and interpretations became increasingly common. Probably the most important secular domain for discussions of homosexuality was in medicine, including psychology. This discourse, in turn, linked up with considerations about the state and its need for a growing population, good soldiers, and intact families marked by clearly defined gender roles. Doctors were called in by courts to examine sex crime defendants (Foucault, 1980; Greenberg, 1988). At the same time, the dramatic increase in school attendance rates and the average length of time spent in school, reduced transgenerational contact, and hence also the frequency of transgenerational sex. Same-sex relations between persons of roughly the same age became the norm.
Clearly the rise in the prestige of medicine resulted in part from the increasing ability of science to account for natural phenomena on the basis of mechanistic causation. The application of this viewpoint to humans led to accounts of sexuality as innate or biologically driven. The voluntarism of the medieval understanding of sodomy, that sodomites chose sin, gave way to the modern notion of homosexuality as a deep, unchosen characteristic of persons, regardless of whether they act upon that orientation. The idea of a ‘latent sodomite’ would not have made sense, yet under this new view it does make sense to speak of a person as a ‘latent homosexual.’ Instead of specific acts defining a person, as in the medieval view, an entire physical and mental makeup, usually portrayed as somehow defective or pathological, is ascribed to the modern category of ‘homosexual.’ Although there are historical precursors to these ideas (e.g., Aristotle gave a physiological explanation of passive homosexuality), medicine gave them greater public exposure and credibility (Greenberg, 1988, ch.15). The effects of these ideas cut in conflicting ways. Since homosexuality is, by this view, not chosen, it makes less sense to criminalize it. Persons are not choosing evil acts. Yet persons may be expressing a diseased or pathological mental state, and hence medical intervention for a cure is appropriate. Hence doctors, especially psychiatrists, campaigned for the repeal or reduction of criminal penalties for consensual homosexual sodomy, yet intervened to “rehabilitate” homosexuals. They also sought to develop techniques to prevent children from becoming homosexual, for example by arguing that childhood masturbation caused homosexuality, hence it must be closely guarded against.
In the 20th century sexual roles were redefined once again. For a variety of reasons, premarital intercourse slowly became more common and eventually acceptable. With the decline of prohibitions against sex for the sake of pleasure even outside of marriage, it became more difficult to argue against gay sex. These trends were especially strong in the 1960's, and it was in this context that the gay liberation movement took off. Although gay and lesbian rights groups had been around for decades, the low-key approach of the Mattachine Society (named after a medieval secret society) and the Daughters of Bilitis had not gained much ground. This changed in the early morning hours of June 28, 1969, when the patrons of the Stonewall Inn, a gay bar in Greenwich Village, rioted after a police raid. In the aftermath of that event, gay and lesbian groups began to organize around the country. Gay Democratic clubs were created in every major city, and one fourth of all college campuses had gay and lesbian groups (Shilts, 1993, ch.28). Large gay urban communities in cities from coast to coast became the norm. The American Psychiatric Association removed homosexuality from its official listing of mental disorders. The increased visibility of gays and lesbians has become a permanent feature of American life despite the two critical setbacks of the AIDS epidemic and an anti-gay backlash (see Berman, 1993, for a good survey). The post-Stonewall era has also seen marked changes in Western Europe, where the repeal of anti-sodomy laws and legal equality for gays and lesbians has become common.
2. Natural Law
Today natural law theory offers the most common intellectual defense for differential treatment of gays and lesbians, and as such it merits attention. The development of natural law is a long and very complicated story, but a reasonable place to begin is with the dialogues of Plato, for this is where some of the central ideas are first articulated, and, significantly enough, are immediately applied to the sexual domain. For the Sophists, the human world is a realm of convention and change, rather than of unchanging moral truth. Plato, in contrast, argued that unchanging truths underpin the flux of the material world. Reality, including eternal moral truths, is a matter of phusis. Even though there is clearly a great degree of variety in conventions from one city to another (something ancient Greeks became increasingly aware of), there is still an unwritten standard, or law, that humans should live under.
In the Laws, Plato applies the idea of a fixed, natural law to sex, and takes a much harsher line than he does in the Symposium or the Phraedrus. In Book One he writes about how opposite-sex sex acts cause pleasure by nature, while same-sex sexuality is “unnatural” (636c). In Book Eight, the Athenian speaker considers how to have legislation banning homosexual acts, masturbation, and illegitimate procreative sex widely accepted. He then states that this law is according to nature (838-839d). Probably the best way of understanding Plato's discussion here is in the context of his overall concerns with the appetitive part of the soul and how best to control it. Plato clearly sees same-sex passions as especially strong, and hence particularly problematic, although in the Symposium that erotic attraction could be the catalyst for a life of philosophy, rather than base sensuality (Cf. Dover, 1989, 153-170; Nussbaum, 1999, esp. chapter 12).
Other figures played important roles in the development of natural law theory. Aristotle, with his emphasis upon reason as the distinctive human function, and the Stoics, with their emphasis upon human beings as a part of the natural order of the cosmos, both helped to shape the natural law perspective which says that “True law is right reason in agreement with nature,” as Cicero put it. Aristotle, in his approach, did allow for change to occur according to nature, and therefore the way that natural law is embodied could itself change with time, which was an idea Aquinas later incorporated into his own natural law theory. Aristotle did not write extensively about sexual issues, since he was less concerned with the appetites than Plato. Probably the best reconstruction of his views places him in mainstream Greek society as outlined above; the main issue is that of active versus a passive role, with only the latter problematic for those who either are or will become citizens. Zeno, the founder of Stoicism, was, according to his contemporaries, only attracted to men, and his thought had no prohibitions against same-sex sexuality. In contrast, Cicero, a later Stoic, was dismissive about sexuality in general, with some harsher remarks towards same-sex pursuits (Cicero, 1966, 407-415).
The most influential formulation of natural law theory was made by Thomas Aquinas in the thirteenth century. Integrating an Aristotelian approach with Christian theology, Aquinas emphasized the centrality of certain human goods, including marriage and procreation. While Aquinas did not write much about same-sex sexual relations, he did write at length about various sex acts as sins. For Aquinas, sexuality that was within the bounds of marriage and which helped to further what he saw as the distinctive goods of marriage, mainly love, companionship, and legitimate offspring, was permissible, and even good. Aquinas did not argue that procreation was a necessary part of moral or just sex; married couples could enjoy sex without the motive of having children, and sex in marriages where one or both partners is sterile (perhaps because the woman is postmenopausal) is also potentially just (given a motive of expressing love). So far Aquinas' view actually need not rule out homosexual sex. For example, a Thomist could embrace same-sex marriage, and then apply the same reasoning, simply seeing the couple as a reproductively sterile, yet still fully loving and companionate union.
Aquinas, in a significant move, adds a requirement that for any given sex act to be moral it must be of a generative kind. The only way that this can be achieved is via vaginal intercourse. That is, since only the emission of semen in a vagina can result in natural reproduction, only sex acts of that type are generative, even if a given sex act does not lead to reproduction, and even if it is impossible due to infertility. The consequence of this addition is to rule out the possibility, of course, that homosexual sex could ever be moral (even if done within a loving marriage), in addition to forbidding any non-vaginal sex for opposite-sex married couples. What is the justification for this important addition? This question is made all the more pressing in that Aquinas does allow that how broad moral rules apply to individuals may vary considerably, since the nature of persons also varies to some extent. That is, since Aquinas allows that individual natures vary, one could simply argue that one is, by nature, emotionally and physically attracted to persons of one's own gender, and hence to pursue same-sex relationships is ‘natural’ (Sullivan, 1995). Unfortunately, Aquinas does not spell out a justification for this generative requirement.
More recent natural law theorists, however, have tried a couple different lines of defense for Aquinas' ‘generative type’ requirement. The first is that sex acts that involve either homosexuality, heterosexual sodomy, or which use contraception, frustrate the purpose of the sex organs, which is reproductive. This argument, often called the ‘perverted faculty argument’, is perhaps implicit in Aquinas. It has, however, come in for sharp attack (see Weitham, 1997), and the best recent defenders of a Thomistic natural law approach are attempting to move beyond it (e.g., George, 1999, dismisses the argument). If their arguments fail, of course, they must allow that some homosexual sex acts are morally permissible (even positively good), although they would still have resources with which to argue against casual gay (and straight) sex.
Although the specifics of the second sort of argument offered by various contemporary natural law theorists vary, the common elements are strong (Finnis, 1994; George, 1999). As Thomists, their argument rests largely upon an account of human goods. The two most important for the argument against homosexual sex (though not against homosexuality as an orientation which is not acted upon, and hence in this they follow official Catholic doctrine; see George, 1999, ch.15) are personal integration and marriage. Personal integration, in this view, is the idea that humans, as agents, need to have integration between their intentions as agents and their embodied selves. Thus, to use one's or another's body as a mere means to one's own pleasure, as they argue happens with masturbation, causes ‘dis-integration’ of the self. That is, one's intention then is just to use a body (one's own or another's) as a mere means to the end of pleasure, and this detracts from personal integration. Yet one could easily reply that two persons of the same sex engaging in sexual union does not necessarily imply any sort of ‘use’ of the other as a mere means to one's own pleasure. Hence, natural law theorists respond that sexual union in the context of the realization of marriage as an important human good is the only permissible expression of sexuality. Yet this argument requires drawing how marriage is an important good in a very particular way, since it puts procreation at the center of marriage as its “natural fulfillment” (George, 1999, 168). Natural law theorists, if they want to support their objection to homosexual sex, have to emphasize procreation. If, for example, they were to place love and mutual support for human flourishing at the center, it is clear that many same-sex couples would meet this standard. Hence their sexual acts would be morally just.
There are, however, several objections that are made against this account of marriage as a central human good. One is that by placing procreation as the ‘natural fulfillment’ of marriage, sterile marriages are thereby denigrated. Sex in an opposite-sex marriage where the partners know that one or both of them are sterile is not done for procreation. Yet surely it is not wrong. Why, then, is homosexual sex in the same context (a long-term companionate union) wrong (Macedo, 1995)? The natural law rejoinder is that while vaginal intercourse is a potentially procreative sex act, considered in itself (though admitting the possibility that it may be impossible for a particular couple), oral and anal sex acts are never potentially procreative, whether heterosexual or homosexual (George, 1999). But is this biological distinction also morally relevant, and in the manner that natural law theorists assume? Natural law theorists, in their discussions of these issues, seem to waver. On the one hand, they want to defend an ideal of marriage as a loving union wherein two persons are committed to their mutual flourishing, and where sex is a complement to that ideal. Yet that opens the possibility of permissible gay sex, or heterosexual sodomy, both of which they want to oppose. So they then defend an account of sexuality which seems crudely reductive, emphasizing procreation to the point where literally a male orgasm anywhere except in the vagina of one's loving spouse is impermissible. Then, when accused of being reductive, they move back to the broader ideal of marriage.
Natural law theory, at present, has made significant concessions to mainstream liberal thought. In contrast certainly to its medieval formulation, most contemporary natural law theorists argue for limited governmental power, and do not believe that the state has an interest in attempting to prevent all moral wrongdoing. Still, they do argue against homosexuality, and against legal protections for gays and lesbians in terms of employment and housing, even to the point of serving as expert witnesses in court cases or helping in the writing of amicus curae briefs. They also argue against same sex marriage (Bradley, 2001; George, 2001).
3. Queer Theory and the Social Construction of Sexuality
With the rise of the gay liberation movement in the post-Stonewall era, overtly gay and lesbian perspectives began to be put forward in politics, philosophy and literary theory. Initially these often were overtly linked to feminist analyses of patriarchy (e.g., Rich, 1980) or other, earlier approaches to theory. Yet in the late 1980's and early 1990's queer theory was developed, although there are obviously important antecedents which make it difficult to date it precisely. There are a number of ways in which queer theory differed from earlier gay liberation theory, but an important initial difference can be gotten at by examining the reasons for opting for the term ‘queer’ as opposed to ‘gay and lesbian.’ Some versions of, for example, lesbian theory portrayed the essence of lesbian identity and sexuality in very specific terms: non-hierarchical, consensual, and, specifically in terms of sexuality, as not necessarily focused upon genitalia (e.g., Faderman, 1985). Lesbians arguing from this framework, for example, could very well criticize natural law theorists as inscribing into the very “law of nature” an essentially masculine sexuality, focused upon the genitals, penetration, and the status of the male orgasm (natural law theorists never mention female orgasms).
This approach, based upon characterizations of ‘lesbian’ and ‘gay’ identity and sexuality, however, suffered from three difficulties. First, it appeared even though the goal was to critique a heterosexist regime for its exclusion and marginalization of those whose sexuality is different, any specific or “essentialist” account of gay or lesbian sexuality had the same effect. Sticking with the example used above, of a specific conceptualization of lesbian identity, it denigrates women who are sexually and emotionally attracted to other women, yet who do not fit the description. Sado-masochists and butch/fem lesbians arguably do not fit this ideal of ‘equality’ offered. A second problem was that by placing such an emphasis upon the gender of one's sexual partner(s), other possible important sources of identity are marginalized, such as race and ethnicity. What is of utmost importance, for example, for a black lesbian is her lesbianism, rather than her race. Many gays and lesbians of color attacked this approach, accusing it of re-inscribing an essentially white identity into the heart of gay or lesbian identity (Jagose, 1996).
The third and final problem for the gay liberationist approach was that it often took this category of ‘identity’ itself as unproblematic and unhistorical. Such a view, however, largely because of arguments developed within poststructuralism, seemed increasingly untenable. The key figure in the attack upon identity as an ahistorical thing is Michel Foucault. In a series of works he set out to analyze the history of sexuality from ancient Greece to the modern era (1980, 1985, 1986). Although the project was tragically cut short by his death in 1984, from complications arising from AIDS, Foucault articulated how profoundly understandings of sexuality can vary across time and space, and his arguments have proven very influential in gay and lesbian theorizing in general, and queer theory in particular (Spargo, 1999; Stychin, 2005).
One of the reasons for the historical review above is that it helps to give some background for understanding the claim that sexuality is socially constructed, rather than given by nature. Moreover, in order to not prejudge the issue of social constructionism versus essentialism, I avoided applying the term ‘homosexual’ to the ancient or medieval eras. In ancient Greece the gender of one's partner(s) was not important, but instead whether one took the active or passive role. In the medieval view, a ‘sodomite’ was a person who succumbed to temptation and engaged in certain non-procreative sex acts. Although the gender of the partner was more important than in the ancient view, the broader theological framework placed the emphasis upon a sin versus refraining-from-sin dichotomy. With the rise of the notion of ‘homosexuality’ in the modern era, a person is placed into a specific category even if one does not act upon those inclinations. What is the common, natural sexuality expressed across these three very different cultures? The social constructionist answer is that there is no ‘natural’ sexuality; all sexual understandings are constructed within and mediated by cultural understandings. The examples can be pushed much further by incorporating anthropological data outside of the Western tradition (Halperin, 1990; Greenberg, 1988). Yet even within the narrower context offered here, the differences between them are striking. The assumption in ancient Greece is that men (less is known about women) can respond erotically to either sex, and the vast majority of men who engaged in same-sex relationships were also married (or would later become married). Yet the contemporary understanding of homosexuality divides the sexual domain in two, heterosexual and homosexual, and most heterosexuals cannot respond erotically to their own sex.
In saying that sexuality is a social construct, these theorists are not saying that these understandings are not real. Since persons are also constructs of their culture (in this view), we are made into those categories. Hence today persons of course understand themselves as straight or gay (or perhaps bisexual), and it is very difficult to step outside of these categories, even once one comes to seem them as the historical constructs they are.
Gay and lesbian theory was thus faced with three significant problems, all of which involved difficulties with the notion of ‘identity.’ Queer theory thus arose in large part as an attempt to overcome them. How queer theory does so can be seen by looking at the term ‘queer’ itself. In contrast to gay or lesbian, ‘queer,’ it is argued, does not refer to an essence, whether of a sexual nature or not. Instead it is purely relational, standing as an undefined term that gets its meaning precisely by being that which is outside of the norm, however that norm itself may be defined. As one of the most articulate queer theorists puts it: “Queer is … whatever is at odds with the normal, the legitimate, the dominant. There is nothing in particular to which it necessarily refers. It is an identity without an essence” (Halperin, 1995, 62, original emphasis). By lacking any essence, queer does not marginalize those whose sexuality is outside of any gay or lesbian norm, such as sado-masochists. Since specific conceptualizations of sexuality are avoided, and hence not put at the center of any definition of queer, it allows more freedom for self-identification for, say, black lesbians to identify as much or more with their race (or any other trait, such as involvement in an S & M subculture) than with lesbianism. Finally, it incorporates the insights of poststructuralism about the difficulties in ascribing any essence or non-historical aspect to identity.
This central move by queer theorists, the claim that the categories through which identity is understood are all social constructs rather than given to us by nature, opens up a number of analytical possibilities. For example, queer theorists examine how fundamental notions of gender and sex which seem so natural and self-evident to persons in the modern West are in fact constructed and reinforced through everyday actions, and that this occurs in ways that privilege heterosexuality (Butler, 1990, 1993). Also examined are medical categories which are themselves socially constructed (Fausto-Sterling, 2000, is an erudite example of this, although she is not ultimately a queer theorist). Others examine how language and especially divisions between what is said and what is not said, corresponding to the dichotomy between ‘closeted’ and ‘out,’ especially in regards to the modern division of heterosexual/homosexual, structure much of modern thought. That is, it is argued that when we look at dichotomies such as natural/artificial, or masculine/feminine, we find in the background an implicit reliance upon a very recent, and arbitrary, understanding of the sexual world as split into two species (Sedgwick, 1990). The fluidity of categories created through queer theory even opens the possibility of new sorts of histories that examine previously silent types of affections and relationships (Carter, 2005).
Another critical perspective opened up by a queer approach, although certainly implicit in those just referred to, is especially important. Since most anti-gay and lesbian arguments rely upon the alleged naturalness of heterosexuality, queer theorists attempt to show how these categories are themselves deeply social constructs. An example helps to illustrate the approach. In an essay against gay marriage, chosen because it is very representative, James Q. Wilson (1996) contends that gay men have a “great tendency” to be promiscuous. In contrast, he puts forward loving, monogamous marriage as the natural condition of heterosexuality. Heterosexuality, in his argument, is an odd combination of something completely natural yet simultaneously endangered. One is born straight, yet this natural condition can be subverted by such things as the presence of gay couples, gay teachers, or even excessive talk about homosexuality. Wilson's argument requires a radical disjunction between heterosexuality and homosexuality. If gayness is radically different, it is legitimate to suppress it. Wilson has the courage to be forthright about this element of his argument; he comes out against “the political imposition of tolerance” towards gays and lesbians (Wilson, 1996, 35).
It is a common move in queer theory to bracket, at least temporarily, issues of truth and falsity (Halperin, 1995). Instead, the analysis focuses upon the social function of discourse. Questions of who counts as an expert and why, and concerns about the effects of the expert's discourse are given equal status to questions of the verity of what is said. This approach reveals that hidden underneath Wilson's (and other anti-gay) work is an important epistemological move. Since heterosexuality is the natural condition, it is a place that is spoken from but not inquired into. In contrast, homosexuality is the aberration and hence it needs to be studied but it is not an authoritative place from which one can speak. By virtue of this heterosexual privilege, Wilson is allowed the voice of the impartial, fair-minded expert. Yet, as the history section above shows, there are striking discontinuities in understandings of sexuality, and this is true to the point that, according to queer theorists, we should not think of sexuality as having any particular nature at all. Through undoing our infatuation with any specific conception of sexuality, the queer theorist opens space for marginalized forms.
Queer theory, however, has been criticized in a myriad of ways (Jagose, 1996). One set of criticisms comes from theorists who are sympathetic to gay liberation conceived as a project of radical social change. An initial criticism is that precisely because ‘queer’ does not refer to any specific sexual status or gender object choice, for example Halperin (1995) allows that straight persons may be ‘queer,’ it robs gays and lesbians of the distinctiveness of what makes them marginal. It desexualizes identity, when the issue is precisely about a sexual identity (Jagose, 1996). A related criticism is that queer theory, since it refuses any essence or reference to standard ideas of normality, cannot make crucial distinctions. For example, queer theorists usually argue that one of the advantages of the term ‘queer’ is that it thereby includes transsexuals, sado-masochists, and other marginalized sexualities. How far does this extend? Is transgenerational sex (e.g., pedophilia) permissible? Are there any limits upon the forms of acceptable sado-masochism or fetishism? While some queer theorists specifically disallow pedophilia, it is an open question whether the theory has the resources to support such a distinction. Furthermore, some queer theorists overtly refuse to rule out pedophiles as ‘queer’ (Halperin, 1995, 62) Another criticism is that queer theory, in part because it typically has recourse to a very technical jargon, is written by a narrow elite for that narrow elite. It is therefore class biased and also, in practice, only really referred to at universities and colleges (Malinowitz, 1993).
Queer theory is also criticized by those who reject the desirability of radical social change. For example, centrist and conservative gays and lesbians have criticized a queer approach by arguing that it will be “disastrously counter-productive” (Bawer, 1996, xii). If ‘queer’ keeps its connotation of something perverse and at odds with mainstream society, which is precisely what most queer theorists want, it would seem to only validate the attacks upon gays and lesbians made by conservatives. Sullivan (1996) also criticizes queer theorists for relying upon Foucault's account of power, which he argues does not allow for meaningful resistance. It seems likely, however, that Sullivan's understanding of Foucault's notions of power and resistance are misguided.
4. Conclusion
The debates about homosexuality, in part because they often involve public policy and legal issues, tend to be sharply polarized. Those most concerned with homosexuality, positively or negatively, are also those most engaged, with natural law theorists arguing for gays and lesbians having a reduced legal status, and queer theorists engaged in critique and deconstruction of what they see as a heterosexist regime. Yet the two do not talk much to one another, but rather ignore or talk past one another. There are some theorists in the middle. For example, Michael Sandel takes an Aristotelian approach from which he argues that gay and lesbian relationships can realize the same goods that heterosexual relationships do (Sandel, 1995). He largely shares the account of important human goods that natural law theorists have, yet in his evaluation of the worth of same-sex relationships, he is clearly sympathetic to gay and lesbian concerns. Similarly, Bruce Bawer (1993) and Andrew Sullivan (1995) have written eloquent defenses of full legal equality for gays and lesbians, including marriage rights. Yet neither argue for any systematic reform of broader American culture or politics. In this they are essentially conservative. Therefore, rather unsurprisingly, these centrists are attacked from both sides. Sullivan, for example, has been criticized at length both by queer theorists (e.g., Phelan, 2001) and natural law theorists (e.g., George, 1999).
Yet as the foregoing also clearly shows, the policy and legal debates surrounding homosexuality involve fundamental issues of morality and justice. Perhaps most centrally of all, they cut to issues of personal identity and self-definition. Hence there is another, and even deeper, set of reasons for the polarization that marks these debates.
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