SOCIAL SUPPORT
Social support is a broad term involving the transfer of assistance, affection, and information between people. For this paper, it includes instrumental support, a somewhat more focused term referring to the goal-oriented transfer of information or tangible assistance between people. Instrumental support is a key element of social capital. Social capital refers to the instrumental utility of social resources (Lin, Cook, and Burt 2001). Both personal and social resources are linked to social status and are important to studies of social stratification and social mobility. Social resources, in the form of a range of network ties or connections to others (especially those higher up in the social hierarchy), are associated with improved status attainment (Lin 1999).
Social support is also important to health. Studies of the number of social ties and the frequency of social contacts have linked lower social integration with mortality (House, Umberson, and Landis 1988; Uchino 2004). The qualitative aspects of social ties and the availability of support have also been associated with mental health, especially, depression (Lin, Dean, and Ensel 1982). Beyond the presence or absence of support, the sources of support or who provides support may also be important (Dressier et al. 2005; Dressier, McBalierio, and Dos Santos 1997). Social support is hypothesized to affect health directly as decreased social integration results in increased mortality, and indirectly by buffering the deleterious effects of stressful experiences.
When asked with whom they had discussed "important matters" in the last six months, most Americans name between one and five people (Marsden 1987). Spouses and other kin are most often reported (Hurt 1986; Hurlbert and Acock 1990; Liao and Stevens 1994), with a slightly higher proportion of kin reported by younger and less educated respondents (Marsden 1987). Women also tend to name a higher proportion and greater diversity of kin ties (Moore 1990).
Patterns in whom is identified for support have been described in terms of a "convoy" of persons or in terms of a hierarchy of people, that may vary by task-specific needs. Kahn and Antonucci (1980) described a convoy or layered model to describe social support for older adults. Conceived of as three layers of social support, paralleling the degree of their closeness to the respondent, each layer is thought to provide support and protection from psychological and physical health risks. Antonucci and Akiyama (1987) described the layers in the convoy model in terms of time, propinquity, and frequency of contact, but the layers of support map well onto social roles. The inner-most circles (the closest relationships) were predominately kin (spouses and children, followed by siblings and other kin) and the outer-most circle was predominately friends.
Although social support has been variously defined in terms of the quantity, quality, and pattern of social relationships, one issue is whether there are preferred patterns or expectations about who should provide support. This study explores the possibility that a "cultural model" of support exists. A cultural model of social support would imply that there exists a shared notion of what is appropriate or desirable in the way of receiving support from family, friends, and co-workers. The present study looks at community preferences for different sources of support in different contexts, for example, during times of financial need or a minor illness, and examines the degree to which preferences in patterns of seeking social support are shared across community members. We hypothesize that, although individuals vary in the degree to which their personal model of ideal social support may vary from the normative model, there is a single shared set of beliefs regarding the hierarchy of resort in seeking social support.
Social support is also important to health. Studies of the number of social ties and the frequency of social contacts have linked lower social integration with mortality (House, Umberson, and Landis 1988; Uchino 2004). The qualitative aspects of social ties and the availability of support have also been associated with mental health, especially, depression (Lin, Dean, and Ensel 1982). Beyond the presence or absence of support, the sources of support or who provides support may also be important (Dressier et al. 2005; Dressier, McBalierio, and Dos Santos 1997). Social support is hypothesized to affect health directly as decreased social integration results in increased mortality, and indirectly by buffering the deleterious effects of stressful experiences.
When asked with whom they had discussed "important matters" in the last six months, most Americans name between one and five people (Marsden 1987). Spouses and other kin are most often reported (Hurt 1986; Hurlbert and Acock 1990; Liao and Stevens 1994), with a slightly higher proportion of kin reported by younger and less educated respondents (Marsden 1987). Women also tend to name a higher proportion and greater diversity of kin ties (Moore 1990).
Patterns in whom is identified for support have been described in terms of a "convoy" of persons or in terms of a hierarchy of people, that may vary by task-specific needs. Kahn and Antonucci (1980) described a convoy or layered model to describe social support for older adults. Conceived of as three layers of social support, paralleling the degree of their closeness to the respondent, each layer is thought to provide support and protection from psychological and physical health risks. Antonucci and Akiyama (1987) described the layers in the convoy model in terms of time, propinquity, and frequency of contact, but the layers of support map well onto social roles. The inner-most circles (the closest relationships) were predominately kin (spouses and children, followed by siblings and other kin) and the outer-most circle was predominately friends.
Although social support has been variously defined in terms of the quantity, quality, and pattern of social relationships, one issue is whether there are preferred patterns or expectations about who should provide support. This study explores the possibility that a "cultural model" of support exists. A cultural model of social support would imply that there exists a shared notion of what is appropriate or desirable in the way of receiving support from family, friends, and co-workers. The present study looks at community preferences for different sources of support in different contexts, for example, during times of financial need or a minor illness, and examines the degree to which preferences in patterns of seeking social support are shared across community members. We hypothesize that, although individuals vary in the degree to which their personal model of ideal social support may vary from the normative model, there is a single shared set of beliefs regarding the hierarchy of resort in seeking social support.
posted by mwesigye herbert at 2:31 AM
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